| Home | About CDSA | New Ground | Events | Debs Dinner | Links | Join DSA | Audio | Email us |
New Ground 107July - August, 2006ContentsNew Ground 107.1 - 07.22.2006
New Ground 107.2 - 08.07.2006
New Ground 107.3 - 08.30.2006
Crime and Punishment Reconsideredby Tom Broderick When it was decided that we needed to be tough on crime, there was an outcome that was not publicly discussed by the politicians who supported locking people up and throwing the keys away. As we build more prisons to house more people for longer periods, the incarcerated will grow old and die in these institutions. Our criminal justice system is about punishment. Caring for an aging population is not something it can cope with. As physical or mental health deteriorates in people, they require more attention. They may need increased medical care, special therapy, a variety of costly medicines, and physical modifications to living spaces. But if we're talking about the incarcerated, well, what's to talk about? They're convicted criminals. When I asked one prison official why a weight machine had been removed from a prison, the response was "this is not a country club." After the removal, some of those who once used it became visibly heavier. Obesity is linked to several health problems. So not only will our prisons be warehousing great numbers of people for many, many years, they will be manufacturing health problems. How will this growing population of aging and infirm prisoners be dealt with? At this point, I could offer up something like: "As a tax payer, I object to this bumbling plan that is only going to increase my tax burden." But really, I'm against this tough on crime, three strikes your out mentality that we've been sold as criminal justice. Poverty, oppression and the lack of opportunities for a successful and meaningful human life are the crimes we need to get tough on. These are not accidental conditions, but attacks on the rights of human beings. We need to refocus the war on crime. In the meantime, what are we going to do with the growing population of prisoners aging inside the Illinois penal system? Right now, the problems that can come with aging, become additional burdens on the convicted and their loved ones. As the mind goes, the cage is the cure. As the body goes, the remedy is the same. Some form of over the counter analgesic can be purchased through the commissary. This is cost containment that promotes suffering. The Illinois Legislature passed a joint resolution that calls for a committee to study long-term and life sentencing, House Joint Resolution 80 (HJR80). State Representative Art Turner (D-9) introduced it during the last legislative session. Among the issues that will be considered are: costs of confinement, warehousing prisoners, life without parole, truth-in-sentencing, recidivism, and whether long-term incarceration is the best use of state funds to further the goal of public safety. Among the elements of the Resolution:
There will be seventeen Committee members, appointed as follows: 3 by the Senate President; 3 by the House Speaker; 2 by the Senate Minority Leader; 2 by the House Minority Leader; 1 by the Attorney General; 1 by the Governor; 1 by the Cook County State's Attorney; 1 by the Cook County Public Defender; 1 by the State Appellate Prosecutor; 1 by the State Appellate Defender; 1 by the Illinois Department of Corrections. It is unlikely that the Committee will be appointed until after the November elections. There will be public hearings. If you remember the public hearings that were held when former Governor Ryan was considering commuting the sentences of everyone on death row, the hearings were tragedies. These could easily be a replay of those. When family victims of serious crimes are told that those convicted of the crimes will spend between 30 years and life behind bars, there is a conclusion. Changing those sentences will cause problems. There is already tension about this in the movement to abolish the death penalty. Life without possibility of parole was and is a key element in doing away with state exterminations. While those behind bars are included in the census, they can't vote. It will take a great deal of pressure on the Committee to require any hearing of the incarcerated, but their voices need to be part of this. The Committee will hold public hearings and submit a written report about long-term prisoners to the General Assembly by June, 2007. The report could include recommendations to change conditions within the prison system, including sentencing. It could also make recommendations that do not require legislation. However, since the Committee will not likely be in operation until after the November elections, there will not be much time to do any in-depth work. The Long-Term Prisoner Policy Project
(LT3P) is a project of the John Howard Association. The John
Howard Association is a Chicago-based organization concerned
with prisoners' rights, and the LT3P is taking a lead roll in
influencing the outcome of the Committee's work. They have identified
issues that they would like to focus on and create position papers
around. These include: reduction in sentences, basic fact sheet
about long-term prisoners (demographic information, etc.), health
care in prison, mental health care in prison, programs in prison,
clemency, transfer policy, special focus on Tamms (a Super-Max
prison in Illinois), restorative justice, and how long-term incarceration
affects prisoners' families and loved ones. If you would like
to work on any of these issues, please contact Shaena Fazal at
the Long-Term Prisoner Policy Project at 312 782 1901. Don't Sleep with Stevens!by Bob Roman "Don't Sleep with Stevens!" the J. P. Stevens Campaign and the Struggle to Organize the South, 1963 - 1980 by Timothy J. Minchin. Gainseville: University Press of Florida, 2005. 264 pages, $ 59.95 Trust a journalist for the conventional wisdom. In Stephen Franklin's excellent account of three major labor confrontations in 1990s central Illinois, Three Strikes, he describes his story as grinding "through the inability of labor's breathless old guard to catch up with corporate America's new tactics and defend the workers' rights that had been so hard won 60 years earlier." He continues, a bit further on, "This was not the new global economics. It was the old rule of the strong making the rules. When the unions had the upper hand, they did the same. But those days were gone. The unions had squandered their talent and insight." Trust the conventional wisdom to be at least partially correct. Typically, though, the fact of the matter is more complicated and ambiguous than what you would gather from the conventional wisdom. And the circumstances of labor's decline are not an exception. This is one reason why Don't Sleep with Stevens! is an important book. Another is the ongoing amnesia that afflicts our culture. The Textile Workers Union of America's 17 year campaign to organize the textile giant J. P. Stevens was an epic battle, worthy of the lyrics of Homer, if not Edgar Lee Masters. Timothy Minchin will not provide you with that lyrical an account. But this first book-length treatment of the campaign will provide you with a challenge to the idea that labor simply collapsed on its back and that it didn't go down fighting, often in creative ways. For in fact, it was in the J. P. Stevens campaign that innovative techniques such as corporate campaigns were invented and others, such as worker organizers, card check recognition, international union solidarity, and the consumer boycott, were further refined. These tactics were not applied from the very beginning but evolved in response to Stevens' adamant opposition to its employees organizing. The decline of labor isn't Minchin's concern; his focus is on the campaign itself. Consequently, one important question is not much covered in the book: how did the small community of labor leaders view the campaign's outcome? Did they look at the Stevens campaign as an inspiration or, because of its ultimate outcome, as a fight more expensive than they could afford? Because from the very beginning of the campaign, the Stevens campaign was envisioned as something much greater: an opening wedge for organizing the union movement in the South. It was not a trivial commitment. Between 1963 and 1980, the union movement spent at least $30,000,000 on the campaign, over $100 million in today's money. The campaign essentially bankrupted the Textile Workers, leading to its 1976 merger with the Amalgamated Clothing Workers. The merged Amalgamated Clothing and Textile Workers Union (ACTWU) finished the campaign in 1980 in difficult financial circumstances. ACTWU proclaimed the campaign a success but did the labor movement, apart from natural self-congratulation, really agree? Minchin doesn't tell you. But the reader does get a fairly intimate look at how the union's tactics and strategies evolved in the face of J. P. Stevens' resistance, how the company's tactics evolved, how each side miscalculated the response of the other, and the degree of resistance from the union's own constituency: the workers at J. P. Stevens. Was the campaign a success? Minchin echoes the proclamation of victory, but he gives you enough information for you to jump to your own conclusions. In truth, "success" depends upon the criteria you use for judging victory. As a campaign, it reached a favorable exit point: an agreement by J. P. Stevens to recognize the union in plants where it had already successfully organized, a contract, and agreement to apply that contract in any other plants the union successfully organized afterwards. Okay: success. But J. P. Stevens did not agree to cease its opposition to the union in its unorganized shops. ACTWU was largely unsuccessful in organizing in the few years left to J. P. Stevens, before the growing wave of "free trade" imports resulted in its takeover. Nor did the agreement open any doors to other union organizing in the South. None of this could have been encouraging to any unorganized workers contemplating a union. By these measures, the campaign was hardly a victory. On the other hand, it is clear that J. P. Stevens made some very significant improvements in occupational health and safety and employee relations directly in response to the ACTWU's organizing efforts. And to one degree or another, some of these practices were adopted by other employers for a time, if only because they had to. Furthermore, the campaign itself was the proving ground for a wide range of strategies and tactics presently employed by unions including, it seems to me, the present campaign directed at Wal-Mart. In a very real way, this campaign is one of the places where the 21st Century union movement was born. By these measures, the campaign looks better. Don't Sleep with Stevens is one of the latest titles in a series, "New
Perspectives on the History of the South", edited by John
David Smith and published by the University Press of Florida,
where Minchin has contributed most of the labor titles. The book
deserves to be widely read, but the price the University Press
has put on it guarantees obscurity. If you or your institution
has the disposable income to buy it, do so; otherwise, your local
public library's interlibrary loan department would be happy
to find it for you. |
|
Noon of the Deadby Bob Roman When Bush came to Chicago to revive Judy Barr Topinka's dead in the water campaign for Illinois Governor with a transfusion of $1,500,000 raised at a noon hour luncheon in the Drake Hotel, there was a diverse collection of groups interested in expressing their displeasure and, perhaps, seizing a portion of the media moment. Thus it came to pass that a few hundred gathered at the extreme south end of Lincoln Park, across the street from the Drake but out of sight from Dubya and Republican financiers. It was two, maybe three separate demonstrations that sunny July 7th. The larger (with the better, unusually adequate sound system) was organized by an ad hoc coalition centered around the Gay Liberation Network, Chicago Area Code Pink, and others: roughly the same collection of groups that had organized a similar protest outside the Chicago Hilton and Towers against Dubya last January. The other was organized out of Congresswoman Jan Schakowsky's office and included groups like Planned Parenthood, Chicago Federation of Labor, and others. This event was aimed mostly at mass media, with the intent of firmly nailing Dubya's more unpopular positions to Topinka. Chicago DSA signed on to the Gay Liberation Network press release and forwarded the Chicago Federation of Labor's email announcement of the event. The former group occupied the northeast corner of Oak and Michigan, the latter set up camp a bit further north under a gazebo. According to rumor, the two groups were to have coordinated their speakers, but (rumor true or not) speakers from both ended up speaking at the same time. While it's true that demonstration oratory ends up ignored by attendees as often as not, this instance caused some distress and confusion. And then there was the third camp, or camps. One "third camp" was represented by a slightly hysterical geezer, a militant of some obscure sect, with a bullhorn. He began the ancient chant of not a dime's worth of difference between Democrats and Republicans the moment the folks under the gazebo began their program; they seemed to infuriate him more than Dubya. This was a serious problem as both sides were armed with similar 10 watt horns. Another third camp was, of course, the anarchists. Largely clueless regarding politics, the half dozen or so members of this group did what they usually do: demand attention. They do know how to make an entrance, though. And this time their bid for attention involved burning the U.S. flag. Not just one flag, but a box full. While our local bloc noir had the foresight to bring an accelerant, the flags nonetheless tended to melt rather than burn, releasing black clouds of toxic fumes. The anarchists were good enough to scrape the melted plastic from the sidewalk at the end of the rally. It was a fun demonstration, colorful and rich with symbolism. But politically it was very much a fiasco. |
Whatever the political affects, passersby
were generally supportive, and more than one said, "Thank
you for doing this." |
No to torture was one of the themes. |
|
Code Pink's opinion of Dubya, shared
by many: King George. |
|
Coffee, Tea, but not Bush. Incidentally:
Union, Yes! |
|
Illinois Federation of Labor's President,
Margaret Blackshere, addresses the gathering at the gazebo. |
|
The police were
also generally friendly though their numbers were slighly excessive. |
|
YDS Summer ConferenceThe Young Democratic Socialists' Summer
Conference will be held August 11 through 13 at the International
Center for Tolerance and Education in Brooklyn, New York. You
can expect a fun, informative, and empowering weekend gathering
before the fall semester begins. We're getting commitments from
people to attend now. Each YDS Chapter and Organizing Committee
should aim to have at least two participants at the conference.
If you have any questions, need help with travel arrangements
or raising funds, please contact us ASAP: call 212.727.8610 or
go to http://www.ydsusa.org.
Free housing in NYC is available! |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|