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September -- October, 2014
New Ground 156.1 -- 10.01.2014
New Ground 156.2 -- 10.15.2014
New Ground 156.3 -- 10.31.2014
Statement by the Democratic Socialists of America National Political Committee, August 21, 2014
Democratic Socialists of America calls for a full federal civil rights investigation into the killing of Michael Brown and an end to the militarization of local police forces. The action of the Ferguson, Missouri, police department exemplifies the dangers to the lives of ordinary Americans, particularly people of color, posed by overly aggressive, heavily armed police forces.
Over the past thirty years, federal, state and local government have abandoned commitments to fighting poverty and unemployment, conditions that disproportionately limit the life opportunities of young persons of color. Most low income youth only encounter the state as a repressive force that relegates them to a life within the prison-industrial complex, even for the most minor and non-violent of drug-related offenses. These activities rarely lead white youth to be arrested, let alone imprisoned.
In the case of Ferguson, Missouri, police-mandated media blackouts and the pervasive detainment, harassment and arrest of journalists cloud public understanding of the ongoing crisis. The constant barrage of tear gas canisters into crowds, backyards and neighborhood streets in recent days has further hampered a full understanding of the situation on the ground.
What is clear is that on August 9th, Ferguson police officer Darren Wilson shot and killed an unarmed 18-year-old Michael Brown, a young black man.
African Americans are 65% of the community's population, but whites, such as Officer Wilson, are 96% of the town's police department. Following a night of mass protest and unrest, hundreds of para-militarized officers swarmed Ferguson, creating an atmosphere of occupation and terror. The massive use of police force against peaceful protestors only exacerbated the understandable anger of a community in which the police are justifiably viewed as a foreign occupying force.
At play in Ferguson are multiple forces long present in American society. The unrelenting killing of unarmed young persons of color by both police forces and white vigilantes -- from Trayvon Martin to Oscar Grant to Eric Garner -- demonstrates how racism literally takes the lives of people of color.
The causes of this assault on the rights of low-income Americans are systemic in nature. Neoliberal capitalism greatly contributes to the decline in life opportunities for low-income Americans. Neoliberal policies weaken the state's ability to regulate powerful economic actors so they contribute to the common good rather than their own particular interest. These policies such as deregulation, deunionization, decreases in taxation on the rich, and defunding of essential social services, including public education, weaken the ability of the state to develop the potential of the less advantaged.
Neoliberal policies have given rise to an economic order of frequent crises and mass unemployment. (Over one in five families in Ferguson live below the poverty line.) Such policies disproportionately affect communities of color, with unemployment rates running 2-3 times those of white Americans -- a clear legacy of institutionalized white supremacy. Neoliberal policies support cuts in job programs, education and civilian review boards, but not police weaponry; the neoliberal state disinvests in people, but heavily invests in prisons, police repression and militarism abroad.
While urban rebellions in oppressed communities of color are by no means a new phenomenon for the United States, the level of para-military police force in Ferguson is. The tanks, battle armor and mounted semi-automatic weapons present in the streets reflect our imperial ambitions abroad as these weapons are channeled from surplus war equipment to local police departments through Department of Homeland Security grants.
As democratic socialists, we abhor the logic that allows for local police departments to transform themselves into surrogate occupying armies defending "social order" against popular demands for social justice. DSA believes in fighting for an equitable tax system that would fund public investment and job training that could employ the underemployed and unemployed in alternative energy production and the rebuilding of infrastructure and affordable housing. In addition, independent civilian review boards (with adequate funding and power) should oversee a local police force that is well-trained and representative of the communities it serves.
Democratic community policing would repudiate the excessive use of force by "proactive" police tactics and the use of SWAT teams. Such policies would drastically reduce the chances of repeating the terror of Ferguson. Additionally, mandated "reverse surveillance" technology such as dashboard and uniform cameras could reduce the willingness of police to engage in the excessive use of force. Finally, a full, thorough Federal investigation into the events of August 9th is needed to provide justice to the family and friends of Michael Brown.
Such measures can only mitigate, not abolish, the effects of racist criminal justice policies and the absence of equality of opportunity for low-income Americans. The events in Ferguson demonstrate that actively challenging how law enforcement affects poor communities must be a priority for all working to build a better society. Changes in criminal justice policies, however, cannot by themselves bring justice to all. Social protest movements must demand government policies that serve the interests of all rather than those of a narrow elite. Only by building a majoritarian movement for racial and economic justice can we reverse the growth of racial and class apartheid in the United States.
by Bill Barclay
Editor's Note: On July 8 and 9, the National Jobs for All Coalition in conjunction with the Congressional Full Employment Caucus held a conference, a "Jobs Briefing", for members of Congress, community groups, and union members from around the country in Washington, DC. Representing the Chicago Political Economy Group and DSA, Bill Barclay was on the panel analyzing the current job situation, outlining policies to address continued high unemployment and assessing our experiences organizing the unemployed. His comments are below.
I'm pleased to be at this jobs briefing as both a founding member of, and representing, the Chicago Political Economy Group. CPEG developed and published a comprehensive jobs proposal in 2008 (available at cpegonline.org), and we have worked with the staff of Rep. John Conyers to include many of the same ideas in HR 1000. I'm also here as a Democratic Socialists of America member, happy to say that DSA was one of the first national organizations to endorse the legislation proposed by Rep. Conyers.
I'm going to consider three points in my remarks. First, what is happening to the US labor market during this Long Depression, a more appropriate title for the period we are in than recovery from something called the "Great Recession"; second, what is the role and importance of a financial transaction tax in the financing of a jobs program sufficient to the problems we face; and third, why did the efforts of several of us in 2009-10 in Chicago to organize the unemployed failed but why the situation may be different today.
The Changing Political Economy of the US Labor Market
We all know the story of the huge job loss that occurred during what is officially labeled the "Great Recession." Yes, we are now back to the level of jobs -- in terms of simply the number of people with a job -- that prevailed prior to the Great Recession. However, there are more people in the US today, and thus we are actually short almost 10 million jobs if we want to achieve the same labor force participation rate that prevailed in 2007. And remember that the unemployment rate in late 2007 was still 4.7 percent, or 7.2 million people.
I think it is essential that we find ways of making these statistics real to the people we talk to. Here is one way I try to do it. Imagine we could take all the officially unemployed and underemployed and line them up, shoulder to shoulder. The line would stretch from San Diego to Bangor, Maine, and back again -- and there would still be about 2 million people trying to get into the line. That is a national disgrace -- and a huge collection of personal tragedies.
In the celebration of 52 straight months of job creation in the private sector, there has been very little attention to the question of what kinds of jobs are being created, how the US political economy of the labor market is shifting. A simple but very important way to see this is to divide jobs into three wage-level categories: low wage jobs pay less than $13.50/ hour, middle wage jobs pay $13.50 - $20/hour, and high wage jobs pay $20/hour or more (all numbers are in current dollars). During the free fall of 2008-09, 22% of the jobs lost were in the low wage category. But in the "recovery" since June 2009, fully 44% of the jobs created are in this category. In contrast, during the spike of unemployment, 37% of the jobs loss were high wage -- but only 25% of the jobs created have been in the high wage category.
The political economy of the US labor market is being reshaped. Today, retail sales and food preparation and serving are the two largest occupations of the more than 800 listed by the Bureau of Labor Statistics. Each accounts for more than 1 in 15 of the total number of jobs in the US. These two occupations each pay less than two-thirds of the median wage for the economy as a whole. You probably won't be surprised to learn that these two jobs categories employ proportionally more women as well as minorities than these groups are represented in the economy as a whole. Do we really want to become a nation of baristas, wait staff and perfume scent purveyors? So, when we talk about the need for jobs, we must ALWAYS talk about living wage jobs, not the low wage jobs that, left to its own devices, the private sector is so good at creating. This rapid growth of low wage jobs is increasing our already very large, both absolutely and comparatively, low wage sector. In the US, more than 1 in 6 jobs are low wage. In Western Europe, in contrast, only 1 in 12 jobs are low wage -- and in Denmark only 1 in 16. In Denmark, even McDonalds is unionized!
The Logic of a Financial Transaction Tax (FTT) for Jobs
One part of my bio that I didn't cover in my introduction was my career in finance. I worked for 23 years at various exchanges in Chicago. I worked with traders, regulators, strategic planners -- and designed a derivative product. As a result I have focused on one of the strong points of Rep. Conyers HR 1000: the use of an FTT as a major financing mechanism for the jobs that would be created.
HR 1000 proposes a levy of 0.25% on the value of stock trading ($0.25 for every $100 of stock traded), and a much smaller levy of 0.02% on trading of futures ($0.02 on every $100 of underlying or "notional" value traded). The bill also has rates for other products, including options. In the latter case, I believe the crafters of the bill have made a mistake that needs to be remedied but that is a technical discussion and not relevant to today's sessions.
The monetary total of stock trading in 2013 was about $60 trillion (for comparative purposes, the total world GDP is about $65 trillion). That is certainly a large sum. Thus even a very small FTT, as proposed in HR 1000, would raise significant revenue. But the total notional value of derivatives traded in the US in 2013 was over $900 trillion -- more than 12 times the world GDP. Obviously much of this trading is, in the words of the former senior UK financial regulator Adair Turner, "socially useless" activity.
Now, an FTT as proposed in HR 1000 would do two things: one, raise a large amount of revenue (the American Postal Workers Union VP who spoke earlier cited the figure $350 billion/year) and two, reduce some of the socially useless activity that afflicts our financial markets today. Both would be good outcomes.
The trading that would be most adversely impacted by an FTT is that depicted in Michael Lewis' Flash Boys. This high frequency trading (HFT) has significant negative impacts on financial markets. Here I will only list those impacts. First, HFT reduces the information content of financial markets. Doing so renders these markets less useful for resource allocation decisions by businesses (investments) and individuals (savings). Second, HFT increases financial market instability. HFT is fundamentally a trend following and exacerbation mode of trading, causing markets to overshoot on both the down side and the up side. Third, HFT is also a significant waste of resources. Spending several hundred millions on building high speed connections between Chicago and New York or New York and London -- both of which are in process -- contributes nothing to our social or economic well-being. And, remarkably, the huge increase in trading over the past 30 years has made today's financial markets LESS efficient than those of a century ago as measure by the cost to raise each $100 of investment* An FTT is, in that much overused phrase, a win-win proposition.
Trying to Organize Chicago's Unemployed
In 2009 several groups, CPEG, DSA, PDA and JwJ -- the convening organization -- as well as some individuals set out to organize the unemployed in the Chicago area. We went to unemployment offices (note that much of the process of filing claims for unemployment insurance can now be done online, effectively isolating unemployed individuals from each other). We had First Friday monthly rallies (the day the BLS issues its "Employment Situation Report"). We did street theater that focused on various banks such as Wells Fargo, and we tried to hold neighborhood meet ups. A charitable assessment of our efforts would be "limited success."
We had, of course, all read about the organizing drives of the 1930s that significantly remade the US political economy and changed the life chances for millions of people. And, we thought: "We can do this."
What we didn't understand are two variables: time and mass consciousness or psychology.
It is instructive to look at what actually happened when in the 1930s. In 1934, five and a half years into the Great Depression, there were fewer members of unions in the US than in 1929. Of course, some of this was the result of unemployment, but I think more of it had to do with the question of psychological time. How long does it take for large numbers of people to realize that changing their predicament (unemployment) is not simply a question of one more job application, one more resume, one more interview, and realize that there is a structural problem with the economy? Yes, every person's story is unique, but the stories are actually all the same: the US economy is not capable of fulfilling its most basic task, providing living wage jobs for all willing and able to work.
And then there is psychology at the level of the individual: is it my fault that I'm unemployed? After all, I see others with jobs, maybe I'm a failure in some way that I don't fully comprehend.
To overcome these barriers to political mobilization requires both psychological and social time. I think we were too early. (Let me be clear: I don't regret trying). But remember, our efforts to organize the unemployed in Chicago in 2009 and 2010 were before Wisconsin, before Ohio, before Occupy, before the low wage workers fight for $15, before the Seattle election of a socialist. In sum, before the universe of political discourse about inequality had changed.
Now is our time -- to organize for jobs, to fight the power of the neoliberal elite, because more and more people understand that joblessness is not an individual problem, it is a social issue.
* See "Why Has the U.S. Financial Sector Grown so Much? The Role of Corporate Finance," Thomas Philippon, New York University, NBER, CEPR March 2008
by Femi Agbabiaka
When made the decision to attend the YDS summer conference in Bolivar, PA, I had no idea what to expect. In the weeks beforehand I was working so much that I nearly forgot that I was going to the conference until a few days before hand. What I found there was revolutionary. Never before had I been around a group of people my age so dedicated to democratic socialism. There were a variety of sessions on topics ranging from project management to intersectionality, all helping me to strengthen my rhetoric and put my critique in a sound foundation of socialist theory. More rewarding than that however, was the conversations that happened outside of sessions. I got to interact with people from all over the country, and develop a greater sense of solidarity with fellow YDSers. Most importantly, I got to absorb the collective knowledge of organizing tactics from YDSers with long experience, and I will be using that experience as I head back to school in the fall at the University of Missouri-Columbia to organize a chapter of YDS there.
One of the greatest discussions that I took a part of at the retreat was the use of racial and gender quotas when voting on positions of leadership. Quotas are always contentious, but the discussion quickly moved to the greater problem of diversity on the left. There's a great history of radical leaders of all genders, sexualities, and races. On top of that, there's a rich history of socialist leaders, Eugene Debs being among them, fighting for racial equality. However, this doesn't always translate into diversity in membership, which leads the left, and YDS/DSA in particular, to ask: How can we attract a diverse group of leaders to join our cause?
We talked about this at length at the conference, and I believe there are 3 key lessons we all can take in attempting to work towards real and not manufactured diversity in our locals:
These are just a few of the tips I retained from many great conversations at the YDS summer conference. These conversations and working to implement new ideas into locals will help us as an organization and as organizers to work towards a day where the question of quotas will be moot.
by Dan Hamilton
I recently had the fortunate opportunity to travel from Chicago to Bolivar, PA, for the 2014 DSA/YDS Socialist Organizing Weekend, August 7-10. The Chicago DSA chapter sent Femi Agbabiaka and me to the retreat to meet and learn from other democratic socialists from around the country.
The weekend was a beneficial experience for a number of reasons. Our days were filled with structured sessions on organizing tactics, the history of socialism in the US, Marxist theory, and much more. The evenings included bonfires and camaraderie with other attendees. However, the consensus among most of us was that the best part of the weekend were the conversations and enthusiasm that carried over from the sessions into extended impromptu talks on political and social theories.
Attending the retreat confirmed for me what I see as one of the best aspects of DSA as an organization: The ability for chapters to engage in local issues and carry out democratic socialist organizing in the best way fit for their specific area. In theoretical terms, this falls in line with the idea of democratic de-centralism, which is something that I value greatly. What this means is that the substance of DSA comes not just through top-down policies made by the National Political Committee, or just by locals doing their own activities with no ties to other chapters around the country, but a synthesis of the two.
For instance, here in Chicago we have a strong candidacy in socialist aldermanic candidate Jorge Mujica, who Chicago DSA endorsed enthusiastically. However, I learned from a DSAer from Detroit that their chapter has worked well with the Democratic Party in the Detroit area to affect positive change. And in Philadelphia, they are able to work with other socialist organizations that they have built lasting relationships with over the years. Despite these differences in coalition building and tactics in each local, a stronger and more democratic national organization is formed. We are a multi-tendency organization that has the ability to embrace differences in tactics while fighting for a common goal of democratic socialism.
Attending the Socialist Organizing Weekend solidified what I knew in theory about DSA, but had yet to experience in practice. Once I was immersed among so many other socialists who were willing to engage in lively debate and discussion, and who quite honestly sought out advice from other chapters on how to strengthen their own, I saw how DSA as a national organization not only benefits from its differences at the local level, but relies on them.
by Alex McLeese
For socialists who believe their politics have become too focused on government programs and the redistribution of wealth, the ideas of John Dewey offer a refreshingly democratic, and American, alternative. Dewey voted for Eugene Debs in 1912 and during the Depression criticized President Roosevelt from the left, instead supporting Norman Thomas. During these radical decades, Dewey, famous for his innovative educational philosophy, wrote regular columns for the prominent magazine The New Republic. According to the historian Henry Commager, Dewey "became the guide, the mentor, and the conscience of the American people; it is scarcely an exaggeration to say that for a generation no issue was clarified until Dewey had spoken." The trajectory of Dewey's life, from young idealist to educational reformer to pragmatist philosopher to political activist, illustrates the challenges facing socialists today.
Dewey was exposed to socialist ideas during the 1880s and 1890s while a young professor at the University of Michigan. He developed a great enthusiasm for "democracy," which in intellectual circles at the time included "industrial democracy," or socialism. "Democracy is not in reality what it is in name until it is industrial, as well as civil and political," he wrote in "The Ethics of Democracy" in 1888. In the same essay, he added: "Democracy and the one, the ultimate, ethical ideal of humanity are to my mind synonyms." Dewey believed that democracy was about far more than voting, and instead involved full engagement of all citizens in every aspect of social life, including the governance of industries. The example of the young Dewey reminds socialists today, preoccupied with struggles for living wages and student loan forgiveness, not to content themselves with redistribution, and to aim to empower our poorest citizens to participate in our economy.
During the 1890s, amid political pressures at the University of Chicago, Dewey turned away from economic socialism, which was too controversial to discuss. Instead, he pursued what he called "socialism of the intelligence," reforming the public education system. Dewey wanted to train working class students to not merely learn marketable skills, but to participate in governing a socialized economy. He saw his work on education, and on abstract philosophical topics, as challenging the individualistic, rights-based theoretical foundations of the class divisions of laissez-faire capitalism. He believed that absolutist and transcendental philosophies were the ideological basis for "class-codes" that had "done more than brute love of power to establish inequality and injustice among men." Dewey's approach may inspire socialists today to look beyond politics to undermine the culture that supports free market absolutism.
Finally, for a brief moment at the end of World War I and then after his retirement during the 1930s, Dewey articulated a political program to match his ideals. In 1918, hopeful for a radical political change after the war, he advocated a right to work, a right to a decent standard of living, and a decentralized "federation of self-governing industries" in the fashion of G. D. H. Cole's guild socialism. Dewey wanted a "greater ability on the part of the workers in any particular trade or occupation to control that industry," and for workers to have "a responsible share in the management of activities." During the 1930s, he proposed an ambitious program including massive spending on public works, redistribution through taxation, and the socialization of many major industries, like banks, public utilities, natural resources, transportation, and communication. Again, Dewey emphasized that a socialist society should be decentralized and democratic, avoiding a "planned," statist society led by technocratic experts in favor of a "planning" society in which all citizens helped make decisions. Realizing this dream, Dewey argued, required "remaking a profit system into a system conducted not just, as is sometimes said, in the interest of consumption, important as that is, but also in the interest of positive and enduring opportunity for productive and creative activity and all that signifies for the development of the potentialities of human nature." For Dewey, "the ultimate problem of production is the production of human beings." But the philosopher never made clear exactly how this "planning" of a complex economy was to be done.
Dewey's life remains an open-ended challenge for socialists. What practical political reforms could achieve his participatory democracy? Increases in wages and benefits, he believed, would not by themselves allow the poor to fully exercise their human capacities. Dewey warned against state-driven planning, and his proposed self-governing industries would only be feasible in some sectors of our economy. In a complicated, market-driven, post-industrial society, how can socialists provide all citizens with a path to participation?
compiled by Bob Roman
Chicago DSA's podcast, Talkin' Socialism, now has its own blog at Wordpress. Starting with Episode 43, this should make it easier for people to find or share particular episodes of interest; it gives us more room to post information related to the episode, including participant biographies; and it opens the possibility of audience commentary about the latest episodes. At present, the comments are moderated, and they are open for two weeks after an episode is posted.
By the time you read this, it's likely that we'll have Episode 44 posted to the web, but regardless, you really should take the time to give Episode 43, "The Criminal Record Is the New Jim Crow" , a listen. Recorded August 9, the program features Ruth McBeth, an Assistant Public Defender for Cook County and an activist with The Next Movement, and Anthony Lowery, Director of Policy and Advocacy for the Safer Foundation. McBeth and Lowery are articulate, knowledgeable, and a great listen. They discuss the vicious feedback cycle of poverty and crime and incarceration, with a special focus on Illinois. The program proper is 30 minutes but includes an extended question and answer session.
If you like Talkin' Socialism, you can subscribe to the podcast. We maintain an RSS feed that is iTunes compatible, or you can add it to your play list through Stitcher. We hope to have the program re-listed at Apple's iTunes Store in the future.
In addition to creating a blog for Talkin' Socialism, we've revised the "About" page on the chicagodsa.org web site . This page includes some basic civics about the Chicago DSA chapter. It also includes links to HTML and PDF versions of the local literature that the chapter has available plus some historical items of interest. Many of these pieces had become outdated or stale (mostly the latter), so a good many titles were de-listed but the more popular were retained with thumbnail illustrations added.
If you haven't discovered it yet, go to chicagodsa.org and click on the "Praxis Makes Perfect " button. This will take you to the chicagodsa.org "Events" page. The top part is a table of upcoming DSA events, but the rest contains events of interest for lefties across the Chicago metropolitan area. We don't claim it's complete, but we also haven't seen any better listings for the left community.
As part of the Oak Park Coalition for Truth & Justice monthly film series, Greater Oak Park DSA is co-sponsoring a screening of the documentary Wage Crisis. This will be on Sunday, September 28, 2 PM, at the Oak Park Public Library Small Meeting Room, 834 Lake St, in Oak Park.
The fight for a Living Wage Ordinance in Oak Park takes place in a broader context explored in Wage Crisis. For ten years, supporters of a Living Wage Ordinance have urged the Village Board to mandate that a living wage be paid to employees 1) of the Village of Oak Park, 2) of contractors and sub-contractors hired by the Village, and 3) of businesses or organizations receiving a significant financial grant from the Village.
In a brief 26 minutes, Wage Crisis explores the struggles of ordinary people to make ends meet on inadequate wages.
Following the screening, a Q&A session led by Bill Barclay, Tom Broderick, and Bamshad Mobasher. For more information, go to opctj-event.org.
DSA members have raised over $1600 for Jorge Mujica's campaign in Chicago's 25th Ward in next year's municipal election. Members have also been active in canvassing the ward, and the petition gathering to be on the ballot had already exceeded the minimum required as we go to press. To volunteer, call 773.812.3079.
Mother Jones Dinner
On Sunday, October 5, it will be the 29th annual Mother Jones Dinner in Springfield, Illinois. The event has been moved to a new location, Erin's Pavilion in Southwind Park, 4965 S. 2nd St in Springfield. Historian and author James Green (Death in the Haymarket) and "accordionista" Len Wallace are on the bill for the evening. The evening begins with a social hour at 5 PM, dinner at 6 PM, and the program at 7 PM. Tickets are $30 each from Mother Jones Foundation, PO Box 20412, Springfield, Illinois 62708-0412. For more information, call Al Pieper 217.522.4688 or Terry Reed 217.789.6495.
"The Price We Pay"
The Price We Pay is a new documentary by a Canadian production company about taxes and tax evasion and its consequences:
Chicago DSA's Bill Barclay is among those interviewed in the film. Barclay spoke on the Robin Hood Tax.
The documentary premiered at the Toronto International Film Festival on September 5. More information is available at InformAction Films.
Chicago DSA has made no endorsements or recommendations for the upcoming elections in November, except for the referendum in Oak Park on the Trans-Pacific Partnership for which GOPDSA is responsible and deserves a "yes" vote.
But your editor would like to call attention to the race for Metropolitan Water Reclamation District where George Milkowski is a candidate for election on the Green Party slate. Milkowski is a DSA member, and this is not his first campaign for office. The first was a campaign for the Cook County Board that you can read about in New Ground 132, "Why I'm Running". For more information about the current campaign, see greens4mwrd.org .
Chicago DSA should really take electoral politics more seriously. That we do not is partly a lack of resources (including money) and partly the absence of any consensus on how to approach the project. It sometimes seems that there is not even a common language to describe American politics. I don't think this is a permanent condition for Chicago DSA. We intervened in electoral politics regularly during the 1980s and 1990s, and there have been exceptions for specific candidates since. The general trend in opinion on the left is that elections matter. DSA never said that they did not, but this emerging enthusiasm for electoral politics will result in more concrete interventions, such as our support for Jorge Mujica in the 25th ward. We hope that it also results in more DSA members running for office. Please let us know if you do.
Finally, thank you to those who took Chicago DSA seriously enough to participate in the annual Labor Day issue of New Ground. You'll notice that there are fewer ads this year. Fortunately, the Labor Day issue is somewhat like an iceberg: Much is not visible; not every contributor takes an ad. We were, of course, raising money for Mujica at the same time and between the two campaigns we did very well indeed. But Mujica got the better part of it. CDSA is okay financially, but it does mean that most of the expansion of New Ground will be on the web. This is likely to be our sole 8 page print issue until maybe next year's May-June issue.
"Poorer by Degrees"
At Working Class Perspectives, Jack Metzgar comments:
At Democracy, Gara LaMarche writes:
More Poverty in America, More