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New Ground 41

July - August, 1995

Contents

  • Free Trade Agreement of the Americas: Chile on the Fast Track by Frank Klein
  • Sidebar: Inter-American Labor Summit
  • News from the War Zone by Bob Roman
  • Debs - Thomas - Harrington 37th Annual Dinner by J. Hughes
  • Guerrilla Politics: Fighting Back by Bob Roman
  • Midwest DSA Conference: Strategies for Action By Bruce Bentley
  • The 1995 Session of The Second City School of Socialism
  • Pharaoh's Welfare: the Myth of Private Charity by Gene Birmingham
  • Good Schools Mean Power To The People by J. Quinn Brisben
  • Chicago DSA Welcomes Swedish Comrades by Bruce Bentley

  • Free Trade Agreement of the Americas: Chile on the Fast Track

    by Frank Klein

    Plans are in motion to expand NAFTA to Chile and to extend many NAFTA-like trade conditions to Capital doing business in the Caribbean Basin. This is the next phase in a campaign by transnational corporations to create a low-wage free trade zone in all the America's, from Tierra del Fuego to the Arctic. Negotiations on the former and legislation for the latter are moving ahead full throttle despite clear evidence of NAFTA's failure to deliver any of the promised benefits and clear evidence all of its negative impacts.

    Since its implementation, NAFTA has seen a chain of negative consequences. In Mexico NAFTA has brought an armed rebellion in Chiapas Province, an economic implosion which saw a huge devaluation of the peso resulting in massive firings and fifty percent reductions in living standards for working Mexicans, wide spread social unrest including strikes and street demonstrations, and rapid expansion of the low-wage maquiladora sector. Canadians have seen stubborn unemployment, economic stagnation and increasing pressure to dismantle the social safety net, especially their much envied (in the U.S.) universal health care system. U.S. tax-payers have had to foot the bill for bailing out investors caught pants-down in Mexico's fiasco while tens of thousands of U.S. manufacturing jobs have joined Canadian jobs going south to fuel the maquiladora expansion cited above. In fact, the only winners have been corporations looking for cheap labor.

    This "NAFTAmath" is both logical and predictable given the trend towards downward social, economic and political spirals resulting from the juggernaught of economic globalization of which free trade is the ideological expression. While technology is admittedly a factor in both making globalization possible and often a business necessity, the core issue is capital mobility in the pursuit of profit unimpeded by concern for social consequences or by government regulation favoring consumers, workers or the environment.

    The race to the bottom has been widely reported. Unrestricted movement of capital from higher wage to lower wage markets creates downward pressures on wages, benefits and living standards. Part-time, temporary, low wage jobs become more and more the norm in some places. The sweatshop and child labor grow in others. Collective bargaining, worker safety and other workplace rights are undermined here. Environmental destruction is tolerated and even encouraged there. There is increasing polarization between the "haves" and "have-nots" within countries and between countries. Democratic control is undermined by pro-business trade agreements that restrict the ability of government to protect the public's welfare in everything from consumer protections to social services.

    Chile is a logical next step for this process, of which NAFTA is symptomatic. After the 1973 coup against the Allende government the Pinochet dictatorship did all of the above with a vengeance. They implemented neo-liberal policies at gun point. Labor unions, political parties, the independent press and any other points of opposition were ruthlessly persecuted. Torture, exile and extra judicial execution were widespread. Thousands disappeared in the southern cone version of "night and fog", their fates for the most part unknown to this day. In this atmosphere where public debate was impossible, the "Chicago boys" made Chileans into guinea pigs. A public education system, once a model for developing countries, was localized and privatized as was the health care and social security system. Strikes were repressed and unions allowed to legally exist only on the shop level and bargain only on wages. Multiple unions were encouraged in the same bargaining unit. Seasonal workers, i.e. in agriculture, were denied the right to unionize. Chile's natural resources were opened to unrestricted exploitation. The economy was opened to transnational capital with virtually no limits.

    The results for average Chileans have been catastrophic despite 10 straight years of economic growth. Many Chileans businesses were ruined in the "modernations" that took place in the mid-seventies and early eighties. About 40% of Chileans have no retirement plan of any kind. 45% of employed Chileans live in poverty. 21% of Chileans work in the informal labor market. Workers must pay the entire cost of their health care. Education is very expensive at all levels and youth unemployment and delinquency are at all time highs. The environment has seen widespread depletion of forests and fisheries as well as terrible pollution of both air and water.

    Change has come very slowly since the return to formal democracy in 1990. General Pinochet remains as head of the army and appoints nine senators who, with a minority of elected reactionaries, have the votes to veto any bill they choose to. A 1978 amnesty decree has protected human rights violators, very few of whom have even been formally charged let alone tried and convicted. (The mastermind of the Washington, DC, murder of Orlando Letelier was recently convicted and sentenced to seven years in prison, but he has fled to an army base where he is in hiding.) This phenomenon so prevalent in Latin America has been named the "culture of impunity" by Nobel Laureate Rodolfo Perez Ezquivel, who places this failure to come to terms with past human rights abuses at the head of threats to democratic development in the region. Needless to say, the fates of the disappeared remain unresolved. Chile's labor movement has recovered some rights and unions can now function legally and bargain somewhat more broadly. But a broad agenda of pro-worker reforms has failed to advance in the legislature. Existing laws to protect workers are rarely enforced.

    Chile is the first candidate for addition to NAFTA for several reasons. The neo-liberal economics favored by most free traders is firmly in place and Chile is touted as a model for "free market solutions" to social problems throughout the hemisphere. NAFTA would make changing Chile's economic mode very difficult. Many Chilean businesses that survived the Chicago boys' policies did so by expanding into neighboring countries, in effect broadening their markets and their size. This allowed them to compete with transnationals penetrating Chile during the Pinochet era. Those corporations seeking to enter Latin American markets often come to Chile first because the "business climate" is so hospitable and much of the infrastructure they need is in place. Chile then is an ideal beachhead for moving into the rest of South America. Potential opponents representing the victims are still too weak to disrupt the process. As a Chilean labor leader has said, "Chile would not be next for NAFTA if we were still the pre-1973 labor movement."

    Chile presents us with a test case for the terms under which the development of a trade zone in the Americas will take place. As was stated in a joint declaration of the Chilean Central Unitaria de Trabajadores (CUT) and the AFL-CIO, the simple expansion of NAFTA, even with the current feeble labor and environmental side-agreements, is simply unacceptable. Chile's working people are aware of what NAFTA has meant for Mexico. Opposition networks are organizing to try to block Chile's entry into NAFTA. CUT President Manuel Bustos is quoted to say in the AFL-CIO News, "I don't want a race to the bottom.... We don't want U.S. companies coming here to Chile to pay miserable wages while damaging employment in the U.S. We only want foreign investment that will help bring all people up."

    Therein lies the crux of the matter. The coming trade battles will not be fought over trade per say, just as NAFTA and GATT were not about trade in the sense of purely being concerned with buying and selling across borders, period. The coming battles are not about where a commodity is produced but rather about the conditions under which that commodity is produced. The debate over expanding NAFTA to Chile will set the tone for the future battles in this struggle for the Americas.


    Inter-American Labor Summit

    As New Ground went to press, labor leaders from throughout the hemisphere gathered in Denver for an Inter-American Labor Summit. Participants plan to assess regional problems concerning workers' rights and economic integration. Plans also included the adoption of a statement that would be presented to a June 30 meeting of trade and finance ministers from throughout the Americas. The draft statement includes these priorities:

    Participants in the summit included representatives of the Inter-American Regional Organization of Workers (ORIT), the Andean Labor council, and leading trade union organizations from Argentina, Barbados, Brazil, Canada, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Guyana, Honduras, Jamaica, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Trinidad and Tobago, United States, Uruguay and Venezuela.


    News from the War Zone

    by Bob Roman

    The labor movement marked the second anniversary of the Staley lock out with a weekend of activity in Decatur on June 24 and 25.

    A march and a rally were held on Sunday, June 25. Some 4,000 people attended the rally at the Decatur Civic Center where Jesse Jackson was the keynote speaker. The march and rally were in support of the locked out Staley workers and the striking UAW Caterpillar workers. The Bridgestone-Firestone workers ended their year long strike to avoid having the union de-certified. About 200 of them have accepted back by Bridgestone-Firestone.

    The rally was also used, in effect, as a campaign stop for the two opposing slates in the upcoming national AFL-CIO elections. Among the speakers were Tom Donahue, who is running for AFL-CIO President with the support of the current retiring President, Lane Kirkland, and Richard Trumpka of the United Mine Workers who is running on the opposition slate for Donahue's old position, Secretary Treasurer. Others on the platform included Gerald McEntee (AFSCME), Wayne Glenn (UPIU), Lenore Miller (retail and wholesale employees), Robert Wages (OCAW), and James Hatfield (glass workers).

    While this year's march and rally appears to have been about the size of last year's, the organizers hope that it may be more significant for the labor movement as a whole. On Saturday, June 24, a Labor Conference on "Rebuilding the Movement" was held at the UPIU Local 7837 hall in Decatur. Some 170 labor activists from 22 states attended the all day conference. They passed resolutions directed at the AFL-CIO's convention in late October. Among the resolutions passed were some proposals for structural changes in the AFL-CIO; a proposal for a media program that includes establishing a weekly radio and TV cable program and transforming the AFL-CIO News into a popular weekly; and a resolution in support of a labor party.

    In the meantime, the fight between UPIU Local 7837 and A.E. Staley company continues. Negotiations, of a sort, are in progress. The Local 7837 bargaining committee asked for the company's current "best" offer some months ago. The company has been in no hurry to bring it to the table though they may have gotten to it by the time you read this. Consequently, it's vital that people of good will continue to support Local 7837's cola campaign. There are two things you can do. The first is quick and easy. Simply sign and send the enclosed postcard. Pepsi and Coca Cola are about half of A.E. Staley's corn sweetner business. You can also get involved in the Staley Workers Solidarity Committee's regular campaign of weekend leafleting around places that sell Pepsi. If you have time to help out, call Joe Isobacker at (312) 486-6357 or (312) 996-9030.


    Debs - Thomas - Harrington 37th Annual Dinner

    by J. Hughes

    Fight Back was the theme of the 37th Annual Debs - Thomas - Harrington Dinner. Over 400 people gathered at the Bismarck Hotel on Saturday, May 13th, to honor two outstanding fighters: Rosetta Daylie, Associate Director of AFSCME Council 31, and Harold Meyerson, Executive Editor of the L.A. Weekly and a National Vice-Chair of DSA. These two activists are major assets in the fight against the conservative offensive, both for what they do as activists and for what they are as inspirations to us all. Bob Fitrakis, the firebrand from Columbus DSA, once again served as our expert Master of Ceremonies.

    The Dinner brought together a truly "rainbow" coalition of activists from every ethnic community and every arena of political activity. Some of this is due to the rainbow nature of the labor movement, which traditionally has been a major supporter or the Dinner. But over the 37 year history of the event, it has become the "family gathering" of the democratic left in Chicago, drawing activists from the communities, labor, government, electoral politics, greens and the peace movement. There are few other institutions that can claim as much.

    Also present at the Dinner were a pair of "road warriors" from the locked out Staley workers in Decatur. They set up a table in the lobby to help raise money and spread the latest news concerning the conflict. Many thanks to WSDSA Donn Schneider for helping to arrange this.

    Harold Meyerson's speech followed the Harrington tradition of covering three major points: the right and its ascendancy, the broader world of the center-left of the Democratic Party, and our narrower world of the labor movement and its allies; and, more to the point, what we can do about each of these. Following close on the heels of the bombing in Oklahoma City, it was an analysis that the Dinner participants found exciting and useful.

    Copies of Harold Meyerson's speech are available upon request: call the DSA office and leave your name and address or send us a note with the same. A video tape of the 1995 Dinner, courtesy of our comrades in Columbus DSA, will be available shortly for a nominal fee to cover duplication and shipping. Contact the Chicago DSA office for details.


    Guerrilla Politics: Fighting Back

    by Bob Roman

    The campaign against the contract has proceeded much like a low intensity guerrilla war. The most successful actions have been much like hit and run strikes. Attempts at pitched battles have had considerably less success.

    The most successful action this spring was the June 5th assault on Newt Gingrich at the American Booksellers Convention. Coordinated by the Coalition for New Priorities' Coalition Against the Contract, this action was specifically designed to steal the media spot light from the start of Newt Gingrich's book tour. Some 300 people stormed the McCormick Place West Terrace, but the real work was done by a small group of infiltrators who popped up at the luncheon inside. Instead of echoing the Gingrich party line, the news carried a message of opposition and Gingrich's confusion. The Chicago Coalition for the Homeless and ADAPT deserve a great deal of credit for this.

    The June 17th March and Rally for Jobs and Justice was rather less successful. This event was organized by a huge coalition of organizations loosely grouped around Jobs with Justice, Coalition Against the Contract, and the Chicago Coalition on Immigrant Rights. It was intended to be the culmination of a spring full of weekly demonstrations and conferences.

    Three marches converged on Union Square Park at Randolph and Ashland from the south, east and north. The park is a legacy of the Civil War rather than the labor movement, but a statue of Governor Altgeld graces the location. The organizers of the event did a superb job of coordination. The three marches arrived together and it was impressive.

    But the organizers were expecting a minimum of 5,000 demonstrators. Only some 2,500 people participated. The crowd was festive, but even Jesse Jackson had to work to get their attention. The closing act was a blues band. By the time they came on, the crowd had dwindled to a few hundred. There was only a little media coverage, including an article several days later in the Chicago Tribune which used the event as a spring board for a more general discussion about a rise in union militancy.

    Which leads to the question: what next? There has been some talk of a conference in the Fall, and there has been some interest in organizing hearings around the Living Wage, Jobs for All Act. Next year's Democratic Convention is also very much on everybody's mind. Stay tuned.


    Midwest DSA Conference: Strategies for Action

    By Bruce Bentley

    Chicago DSA hosted a successful conference at the Bismarck Hotel on May 13th. About 50 Midwest DSAers gathered in dialogue, solidarity and strategic planning to "fight back" in this politically reactionary period.

    Alan Charney, National Director of DSA, gave the keynote address in the opening session on the "State of the Left and DSA". He stated bluntly that there is no organized progressive leadership to counter the Republican's "Contract." Likewise there is not a progressive or democratic counter-program. Charney then explored the implications for DSA and the broader left.

    The opening session was followed by a workshop on DSA local development. The panelists included Alan Charney; Ginnie Coughlin, the former DSA National Field Coordinator; and J. Hughes, Treasurer of Chicago DSA. Both Charney and Coughlin emphasized the poor health that the Youth Section and most DSA Chapters have been in, the good news being that almost everyone else on the left has been doing as poorly. Hughes provided a conceptual framework for organizing and activism that would have been quite valuable if it had been coupled with concrete tactical examples.

    After a break for lunch, the afternoon was devoted to "interactive talking heads". There were two panels. The first was on Strategies for Labor Action. Panelists were David Moberg (In These Times); Deana Balfour (SEIU); Frank Klein (ILGWU); and Joe Costigan (ACTWU). The next was on Strategies for Electoral Action. The panelists were Bob Fitrakis (Columbus DSA); Lou Pardo (New Party) and Harold Meyerson (L.A. Weekly). Alan Charney moderated each panel and the discussion afterwards.

    On Sunday morning, about two dozen people joined a tour of the Haymarket Affair, led by Professor Emeritus Bill Adeleman. It was an inspirational event which included a feast of historical details at the sites of the massacre and policeman statue (bombed by the Weathermen and no longer at the Haymarket Square), jail and court house, execution, and burial site. The Waldheim Cemetery is also the burial site for the likes of Emma Goldman, Big Bill Haywood and numerous other radicals.

    Feedback from participants was generally positive, with some criticism. Many want to continue to have such Midwest conferences. Nevertheless CDSA knows that the conference could have been better. For instance, it was clear that some participants wanted to know more about the tangible "nuts and bolts" of organizing. Moreover, we had planned to have time for Midwest locals to convene for networking and socializing in order to solidify the Midwest base. This opportunity got squeezed out due to perhaps an extensive program and time constraints. Therefore in any future conference, these two specific events will be embellished upon. But most importantly, the conference was a first step toward establishing a practice of mutual aid and communication between DSA chapters in the Midwest.


    The 1995 Session of The Second City School of Socialism

    a joint project of Chicago DSA and Chicago CoC

    Tuesday nights, July 18 - August 29, 7 PM to 9 PM

    Roosevelt University, 430 S. Michigan, Room 313

    July 18 The Current Crisis

    Discussion of the different perspectives on the current crisis of capitalism; the collapse of the social democratic and communist alternatives; is socialism possible in on country?

     

    July 25 What Is Socialism I: Socialist Society

    Discussion of its historical varieties, and its relationship to liberalism, social democracy and other radical movements such as feminism, anti-racism and ecology, Marxism / post-Marxism / radical democracy, and the relationship of socialism to scarcity and abundance.

     

    August 1 What Is Socialism II: Socialist Economy

    Discussion of nationalization, workplace democracy and market socialism; trade unions and cooperatives; welfare and wages. Is it possible to have a socialist economy in one country, much less one firm? What would a socialist world economy look like?

     

    August 8 What Was the Communist Movement, and Why Did It Fail?

    Discussion of theories of the "degeneration of the Russian Revolution", totalitarianism, bureaucratic collectivism, primitive communism; pre-, post- and industrial socialism; vanguardism and Leninism.

     

    August 22 Why Have a Socialist Organization?

    What are the reasons to have a socialist organization, and what should its relationship to other organizations, such as parties, unions and so on, be? What are the problems in keeping socialist organizations democratic, such as their class basis and the "iron law of oligarchy", and how can internal democracy be maintained.

     

    August 29 The U.S. Political System and the Tasks Ahead.

    How to build a global Left, based in movements and electoral politics, to establish a humane world, and what should be on its agenda. Can socialist be patriotic citizens of nation-states? How do we respond politically to the globalization of capital? Discussion of the balance of mass work / movement building with electoral work; the distinctiveness of American politics; of the role of socialists in third parties and in the Democratic Party; discussion of the Communist Party, New Party and DSA's inside / outside strategies; discussion of the state of American parties.

     

    The above "course descriptions" should be taken with a grain of salt as the exact content of each session will depend upon the facilitators and the constraints of time. For additional information and to obtain readings, contact J. Hughes (312) 702-3742 or Sandy Patrinos (312) 324-2258.


    Pharaoh's Welfare: the Myth of Private Charity

    by Gene Birmingham

    Some conservative types have suggested that human services be turned over to private agencies as a way of cutting back government funding. Before we fall for that simplistic solution to the national budgetary problems, we should look at just how the system operates now.

    Writing in the March 1, 1995, issue of the Chicago based journal, The Christian Century, Professor Martin Marty of the University of Chicago Divinity School, gives us the picture. A doctoral thesis by one of his students found that over 50% of the human service work by the Salvation Army and the Lutheran Church, Missouri Synod, was funded by the government. Episcopalian human service work received something less than 50% of its funding from the government.

    Other sources reveal that Catholic Charities received about $1.2 billion, or 65% of its budget last year, from a combination of federal, state and local government sources. Volunteers of America received about 69% of its 1994 budget ($198 Million) from the same sources, and the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America Social Ministries received 92% of its funding from the government.

    Uhlich Children's Home of Chicago, connected with my denomination, the United Church of Christ, has issed a paper stating that 80 to 90 percent of its annual budget comes from the government. All the children at Uhlich are referred by the Illinois Department of Children and Family Services.

    It may sound like an easy answer to transfer human services from the goverment to private agencies, but if private agencies are cut from the goverment's budget, they will be out of business. Donations from churches and individuals are not enough. Private agencies provide the place, program and staff, while the public provides most of the funds.

    Those who want to reduce the government's share in human services sound like the ancient Egyptian Pharaoh of biblical fame who reacted to Moses' plea to let his people go by making their work harder:

    "You shall no longer give the people straw to make bricks, as before; let the go and gather straw for themselves. But you shall require of them the same quantity of bricks as they have made previously; do not diminish it, for they are lazy; that is why they cry, 'Let us go and offer sacrifice to our God.' Let heavier work be laid on them; then they will labor at it and pay no attention to deceptive words."

    Exodus 5;7-9

    One would think the modern Pharaohs could come up with a better idea, but they still believe the problem of the slaves is that they are lazy, and should find their own straw without reducing their production.

    Sidebar:

    Independent Sector, a national coalition of over 800 voluntary organizations, foundations and corporate giving programs, recently released the results of a study examining the impact of Congressional budget proposals on 100 nonprofit organizations. 81% of surveyed programs providing services for people with disabilities receive federal funding in their mix of revenue. In 1994. federal support accounted for 48% of program funding. As federal funding declines, participating nonprofit organizations will need to significantly increase charitable revenues from the private sector. An estimated 124% increase in charitable giving between 2001 and 2002 would be necessary if charitable organizations had to make up their program revenue. Programs that could be threatened include: the Individuals with Disabilities Act, Medicaid, Children's SSI, Vocational Rehabilitation and family supports such as personal assistant services, respite care, home modifications, and assistive technology.


    Good Schools Mean Power To The People

    by J. Quinn Brisben

    The Power of Their Ideas by Deborah Meier, Beacon Press, 190 pp., $20.00

    Deborah Meier is a good teacher. She knows the structure of her subject matter, she knows her students and their community, and she knows herself and the process by which she learns, which means that she can communicate her knowledge clearly. The five basic questions she tries to get everyone in her school community to ask are: (1) How do you know that? (2) Who said it and why? (3) What led to it and what else happened? (4) What if? and (5) Who cares? In other words she tries to make into "intellectual habits": concern for evidence, examination of viewpoint, searching for cause and effect, hypothesizing, and knowing what use a piece of knowledge might have. She uses other words almost every time she re-states these principles, for she wants them to be learned, not memorized.

    The Power of Their Ideas is, among many other things, a memoir demonstrating how these ideas have worked at her and her community's Central Park East public schools in East Harlem since 1974. The area's population is largely Latino and African American and poor in worldly goods. The families are "inner city" and "disadvantaged"; the students are "at risk". According to Murray and Herrnstein, their genes condemn them to the most undesirable part of The Bell Curve. Yet, in a city where the average high school graduation rate is 50%, 90% of Central Park East students get a high school diploma and 90% of those go on to college.

    Meier knows, as did John Dewey and Jerome Bruner, that any subject can be taught in an intellectually honest way on any level. Most people running American schools do not know this. Many of them are not even interested in knowing this. They are interested in maintaining an unjust class society to which a working public school system is a constant threat. They pretend that something as wonderful and various as human intelligence can be comprehended by a single number produced by notoriously class-biased tests and that, therefore, the children of the poor cannot learn. They also pretend not to know what every competent teacher knows, that young people learn more from each other than they do from teachers, and that keeping social classes and ethnic groups isolated from each other inevitably leads to social disaster.

    I recall Meier from our days together in the Socialist Party of Chicago in the early 1960s. Socialist faction fighting probably trains the mind as well as memorizing Confucian classics, composing Latin hexameters, pencil and paper mathematics in the age of calculators, or any other beloved but obsolete or sterile intellectual activity which sometimes produces great leaders. The principles of socialism, however, are terribly relevant to education today and have been a driving force in Meier's career. I do not believe I denigrate her obvious abilities when I say that she has been lucky to be able to put these principles into practice in her school community. Chance allowed her access to some exceptional administrators who were willing to allow her to innovate, but chance, as Faraday said, favors the prepared mind.

    A good public school system is a threat to intellectual snobbery, bureaucratic intransigence, narrow religiosity, traditional patriarchy, and ethnocentrism, which means that schools try to avoid clashes among students, teachers, the community, and the powers that be. Meier prefers constructive engagement, and she is good at finding compromises which do not impede the educational process. She likes everyone to contribute, most especially the students, which gives meaning to her title The Power of Their Ideas. She would like my student, who discovered that Louis XIV dressed like a pimp, or the one who argued that the designers of the American flag, with their thirteen five-pointed stars in a circle, must have been into witchcraft, or the one who pointed out that the Polish corridor was analogous to a bridge in our neighborhood which is the site of frequent rumbles. Despite many frustrations, I loved my thirty-two years of teaching and only wish that my schools had been structured more like CPE so that I could have enjoyed more of these moments.

    I think this book is destined to become a classic among working teachers and parents who have not yet given up on American public schools, along with the books of John Holt, Herbert Kohl and Jonathan Kozol. Most books about schools are garbage, either jargon-mongering smoke-and-mirrors nonsense by so-called experts which please only the incompetents who clog schools of education and district bureaucracies, or nasty elitist polemics which repeat lies about good old days that never existed and promote educational strategies which never worked and never will. The Power of Their Ideas is a glorious exception, and a fair percentage of the other good books that I have read about teaching in America are included in its brief bibliography. It is a must read.


    Chicago DSA Welcomes Swedish Comrades

    by Bruce Bentley

    Twenty trade unionists from Gotenburg, Sweden, came to Chicago in late May to experience its past and present labor heritage. Their tour was arranged by Professor Stan Rosen of the Chicago Labor Education Program, Institute of Labor and Industrial Relations, University of Illinois. Chicago is a sister city of Gotenburg.

    Tour highlights included historic Pullman community, US Steel Workers Local 1033 Hall (Memorial to workers killed at the Memorial Day Massacre of 1937), plant tour of Ford Motor Company, visit union officials from the Teamsters, UAW, ACTUW, SEIU, tour of the Cook County Offices, Chicago City Hall and a visit to the Haymarket Memorial Statue at the Waldheim Cemetery.

    Chicago DSA and the Chicago Labor Education Program sponsored a reception for the Swedish trade unionists on Friday June 2nd at Cardoza's Pub. Twelve CDSAers welcomed our Swedish comrades a jubilant evening of conversation, labor songs, snacks and drinks. The Swedish delegation presented Chicago DSA with a pewter candle holder for "when times are dark", made in Gotenburg.


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