by Bob Roman, Charity Crouse and Joan Axthelm
From May 28 through May 31, the University of Chicago Youth
Section chapter of DSA played host to more than sixty delegates
from the International Union of Socialist Youth (IUSY). The first
two days of the event were devoted to a meeting of the American
Committee of IUSY. Like most such meetings, its main utility was
not so much in formal resolutions and organizational policy as
in the exchange of ideas, experience and political information
that takes place as a part of both the formal and informal proceedings.
Given that the affiliates of the IUSY are the youth groups of
the major left parties in their respective countries, there was
probably at least one future prime minister at the meeting.
One of the highlights of the week was a left-right debate on
Thursday evening. Intended partly as an outreach to the UofC student
community and partly as an exercise, nearly a hundred students
crowded into the Ida Noyes library to watch Lisa Pelling, IUSY
Secretary General from Sweden, and DSA Youth Section International
Chair Daraka Larimore-Hall defend the affirmative of "Does
Socialism Have a Future?" against a representative from the
University of Chicago College Republicans and a representative
from The Criterion. A severe ideological arsenal from the
left was not called for, as the right thoroughly buried itself
without any assistance from the socialists, but the University
of Chicago's Ida Noyes Hall resounded with the applause of many
as the left challenged the right's notions of equality in a capitalist
system that thrives on disparity.
Saturday and Sunday were devoted to an ambitious conference,
"Globalization from Below". The conference was held
at the University of Chicago's Biological Sciences Learning Center
and it was cosponsored by the DSA Youth Section, IUSY, European
Community Organization of Socialist Youth (ECOSY), and Progressive
Challenge. The stated goals of the conference were to bring together
progressives from all over the world and from many generations
to talk about globalization; to help draw clear distinctions between
their idea of internationalism and ours; to increase the public's
awareness of the connections between their lives and lives of
people in other countries. Some 150 people registered for the
conference, though many just sampled portions of it.
The conference format was the usual mix of plenaries and workshops,
with the usual mix of strengths and weaknesses that such a format
is prone to. Among the better plenaries were "Immigration
and Organizing" on Saturday and "Global Unionism"
on Sunday as both had speakers of particular interest.
Hector Torres, of the Latin Kings and Queens, spoke at the
plenary on "Immigration and Organizing". He spoke mostly
about how what had been a street gang turned away from crime and
toward political and community organizing with consequent increased
problems with the police. Lefty gangs may be unusual today, but
politicized gangs are not a new phenomenon, an early example in
Chicago being Mayor Daly the Elder's Hamburger Social and Athletic
Club. They were not at all unusual during the 60s, when the ideology
du jour was various forms of marxism-leninism. Mr. Torres' presence
brought to the conference several Hispanic students from the Chicago
City College system. They reacted with enthusiasm to what he was
doing in New York and with skepticism about its possibility in
Elaine Bernard, of the Harvard Trade Union Education Project,
spoke at the "Global Unionism" plenary. If you've never
heard Ms. Bernard speak, you should take advantage of your next
opportunity. She sounds a bit like Julia Child, but instead of
recipes for French cuisine she provides, well, recipes for a union
movement. Articulate, full of ideas and very much in touch with
what seems to be working and what is not, Elaine Bernard's presentation
was quite the feast.
The workshops and training sessions at the conference might
have been average for a conference but for the international participation.
In this respect, participants from outside the States may have
gained the most; U.S. politics often seems inscrutable to those
outside of it. The workshops provided them with an in depth look
at various aspects of it.
For members of UofC DSA, the conference provided exceptional
experience in the behind the scenes aspects of organizing a large-scale
event. Along with illustrating the necessity of proper outreach
to national and local activists, the conference taught the imperative
of respecting the democratic process in organizing and executing
any sort of event.
Though most of the members of UofC DSA were preoccupied with
the exhausting and mundane duties of administration, the conference
was a great opportunity to expand one's sights beyond one's own
borders and to truly challenge one's ideas of socialism and solidarity.
Few moments can compare with witnessing fifty Latin American socialists
singing Spanish labor songs in chorus aboard the CTA train, or
seeing people visiting America for the first time communicating
whole heartedly with Chicagoans whose language many UofC DSA members
cannot speak. If nothing else, the conference both forced us to
re-evaluate our perceptions of ourselves as socialists in America
and reminded us just how much about the world, our own homes and
each other we still have to learn.
The range of youth leadership brought together by the Globalization
from Below conference made it an ideal opportunity to discuss
the creation of an "EU of the Americas". In a meeting
held after the Conference officially ended, representatives of
the MERCOSUR countries, ECOSYS, the United States discussed how
an open dialog between our countries is important as our economies
become global. In order to begin and to further facilitate a dialog
between the countries of the Americas, it was decided that a representative
from ECOSYS, the Mexican PRD, and DSA (our own Daraka Larimore-Hall)
would create a publication that would facilitate the exchange
of experiences and ideas concerning the world economy. This publication
would then be discussed at the next American Committee meeting
by Carl Shier
It was the 40th annual Debs - Thomas - Harrington Dinner, and
hundreds of activists from Chicago's union movement and democratic
left gathered at the Holiday Inn Mart Plaza on Friday, May 8th
to honor the memory of Eugene V. Debs, Norman Thomas and Michael
Harrington. It was another successful event. But since its beginning
in 1958, the Dinner has had the support of the labor movement,
and its health reflects the general state of the movement.
The speakers and the program were worthy of our 40th anniversary.
The Master of Ceremonies Leon Despres lived up to his reputation
as the perfect coordinator; he moved the proceedings like clockwork
and completed the program to the time table of the Committee,
well before 10 pm.
Leon Despres received the Thomas - Debs Award in 1975, and
he was, to the best of my recollection, the Master of Ceremonies
at the first Dinner in 1958 when Norman Thomas and A. Philip Randolph
spoke. Despres, after a few opening remarks, paid tribute to Saul
Mendelson, a life long socialist and a co-founder of the Dinner.
Saul had passed away on March 13. Despres noted that Jennie Mendelson,
his wife of 50 years, was attending her 40th consecutive Dinner.
Lou Pardo, another Dinner Awardee, gave a moving tribute to
William "Wimpy" Winpisinger, the militant, socialist
retired President of the Machinists who had passed away since
the last Dinner. Wimpy had received his Debs - Thomas - Harrington
Award right before he retired, but he was also the featured speaker
at the 30th Annual Dinner. He was a great credit to the labor
and the socialist movement.
It certainly was a night for past Awardees: Kathy Devine made
the Award presentation to William Adelman. She called attention
to his run for Congress; a letter to him from a descendant of
Haymarket heroes Albert and Lucy Parsons; Bill's work in labor
history that is excluded from school textbooks and his work on
films of labor history.
Bill Adelman, in accepting the Award, spoke of his experiences
in living the struggles of the Pullman Strike, Packinghouse battles,
Republic Steel strike and making films of that history. The speech
was engaging and informative and, in the words of another Awardee,
Rose Daylie of AFSCME, "inspiring".
I presented the Debs - Thomas - Harrington Award to Marilyn
Sneiderman, Director of Field Mobilization of the AFL-CIO. I called
attention to Marilyn Sneiderman's rank-and-file history and the
difference between yesterday and today's AFL-CIO. The fact that
AFL-CIO President John Sweeney had appointed Marilyn Sneiderman
to the largest department of the union federation was significant.
If I had introduced Marilyn Sneiderman after June 2, I would have
pointed out how great the California unions did in obtaining a
real field mobilization of its members to defeat the vicious Proposition
226 that was intended to silence unions' political voice.
Marilyn Sneiderman stated how honored she was to receive the
Award whose names have meant so much to the struggle. The work
of the Field Mobilization Department is to energize state, county
and city councils, to work with community organizations in coalition
to make changes that our country needs badly. The new leadership
of the AFL-CIO recognizes that only by involving members can the
goals of the organization be accomplished. Wish we had space for
the two speeches because they were both excellent and well received.
Mark Weinberg, Co-Chair of Chicago DSA, concluded the evening
with words of appreciation for those who labored to make the event
a success. Mark Weinberg then led the Dinner in a vigorous singing
of "Solidarity Forever".
I have to conclude by writing that working on my 40th Dinner
was special. And a grateful thanks has to be paid to the work
of Bob Roman. Bob, in the punch line of Bertold Brecht's words
about movement people- "is the indispensable man". And
Bob, don't you dare edit out this paragraph!!
by Amy M. Traub
Cuauhtemoc Cardenas is the leader of the Party of the Democratic
Revolution (PRD), the leftist opposition to 70 years of one-party
rule in Mexico; he is the man who might have become President
of Mexico were it not for massive vote fraud; and he is the first
democratically elected governor of the federal district which
encompasses Mexico City, a metropolis of some 25 million inhabitants.
Cardenas is the main challenger to Mexico's embrace of neoliberal
economics and he is received by many as a symbol of his nation's
aspirations toward a truly democratic future. Accordingly, I had
high hopes for Cardenas' address at Rockefeller Chapel at the
University of Chicago on May 4th. I hoped to be carried away by
his charm, brilliance, and sweeping, optimistic vision; to experience
for myself what had inspired the possibility of social change
and democratic opening for so many Mexicans. Unfortunately, Cardenas'
presentation lacked verve, and his prescriptions for Mexico as
it prepares to enter the new millennium at first struck me as
vague and unoriginal.
Nevertheless, it is unfair to judge a politician harshly for
being an uninspiring speaker in a foreign tongue. Perhaps Cardenas
was uncomfortable speaking in English and unused to addressing
a silent academic crowd rather than a cheering throng. But as
I considered the substance of Cardenas' remarks, what had at first
sounded unoriginal became exciting; I realized why many of the
recommendation's for Mexico's future sounded familiar. Although
his propositions were grounded in the history and ideals of the
Mexican Revolution (including the "deep social reforms"
of his own father, former President Lazaro Cardenas), the policies
Cardenas proposed were similar to progressive blueprints for U.S.
Every Mexican, Cardenas argued, should have access to a good
education, a job, and decent health care. Obviously, these things
are not universally available in the U.S. either, where many are
striving for exactly the same guarantees.
Cardenas' vision, in contrast to the vision articulated by
Chilean President Eduardo Frei when he spoke at the University
of Chicago last year, is not simply an aspiration to build a Mexico
that looks like contemporary United States. Not only is a less
corrupt and a less executive - centered political system required
in Mexico, but a degree of economic democracy is required as well,
and an end to the drastic inequalities that polarize the nation
and inhibit democracy. While it would be foolish to argue that
conditions in the U.S. and Mexico are identical, Cardenas' vision
for his nation is something to keep in mind as polarization and
economic inequality continue to increase in the U.S.
One of the more frustrating aspects of Cardenas' address was
his reluctance to criticize U.S. policy toward Mexico. Only after
prompting by audience questions did Cardenas address central issues
of U.S. - Mexico relations like immigration, NAFTA and the drug
One vital point Cardenas made was that it is not free trade
or NAFTA itself that he opposes. Mexico needs the investment and
increased trade that NAFTA can help to provide. Rather it is the
lack of binding social and environmental guarantees that makes
NAFTA problematic. According to Cardenas, once the Mexican ceases
to "leave aside its social responsibilities" and improves
its internal policies, NAFTA can be improved. Of course, this
also assumes that Mexico be permitted to "participate on
a much more equal basis in globalization processes", a requirement
which only obliquely condemns the United States for failing to
treat Mexico as an equal and failing to respect Mexican national
Cardenas' most powerful criticism came after the audience applauded
his stance on immigration: "There should be no steel fences
on our border, no discriminatory legislation." The U.S. is
quick to condemn Mexico for weakness in the war on drugs or for
failure to stem illegal immigration, but the demand both for drugs
and for Mexican labor is present in the U.S. The equality that
Cardenas calls for in U.S. - Mexico relations requires that the
United States acknowledge its role in the flow of illegal immigrations
and illicit drugs over the border.
I missed watching Cardenas speak at the Cinco de Mayo parade
on Cermak where he would surely have been more dynamic in his
Spanish language address to the large Mexican-American community
of Chicago. His party, the PRD, has recently opened an office
here which will no doubt become increasingly active as Mexican-Americans
and Mexicans resident in the U.S. take advantage of the new Mexican
law that allows them to claim dual citizenship. While the current
law prohibits dual Mexican-American citizens from voting in Mexican
elections, their political opinions and possible orientation towards
Cardenas' Democratic Revolutionary Party should have an effect
on the Mexican political climate.
In addition, the opening of the PRD office in Chicago and the
similarities between Cardenas' goals and those of progressives
in the U.S. highlight a vital point: we have the potential to
work for a globalization that means more than the breakdown of
barriers to trade between nations- a transcendence of the barriers
of political and social ideas and aims. NAFTA means that Americans
increasingly work for the same companies as Mexicans, consume
the same products as Mexicans, and in numerous other ways interact
with economic entities that function in both the U.S. and Mexico.
But maybe we don't need to stop there; maybe a Mexican politician
can inspire an American audience with a vision for the 21st Century
that both countries can share.
By Bill Dixon
On June 19 more than a thousand people marched through downtown
Chicago and rallied in Grant Park to demand greater Federal and
city support for public housing. Organized by the Chicago Coalition
to Protect Public Housing (CPPH), the demonstration showed a broadly
based and committed opposition to the leading official proposals
to solve Chicago's low-income housing crisis by relying on profit-driven
real estate interests to suddenly do what they have never done
before - provide good housing for poor people, especially African-American
poor people who make up ninety-percent of public housing residents
The march came together at the Federal Building, which is appropriate
since over eighty percent of the funding for the Chicago Housing
Authority comes from the Feds. And whatever problems that have
been passed down from previous generations of government underfunding,
local and not-so-local racism, bureaucratic corruption, and failed
reform, the current crisis owes much to the current Republican
Congressional majority, whose open animosity toward the very idea
of federal support for low-income housing has raised the stakes
of the debate dramatically. GOP sponsored cuts in federal funding
are often overlooked amid the local controversies of racial segregation,
crime, and urban renewal which typically frame discussion of public
housing, and so CPPH organizers were careful to aim criticism
directly at Congress's refusal to guarantee adequate funding for
the coming year, let alone the long term.
At least 11,000 CHA units are slated for demolition in the
near future. No one is exactly sure where the people who live
in those units will end up. Thanks to the Republican Congress,
the Federal government is no longer compelled to a "one to
one" replacement of demolished public housing apartments
with new apartments. The CHA plan relies on an expansion of the
Section 8 program, whereby residents move out of public housing
and into the private housing market with seventy-percent of their
rent with subsidized through Federal vouchers. CPPH criticizes
the voucher plan on a number of grounds, not least of which is
Congressional ambivalence toward supporting it. This year, $2.3
billion of Section 8 funding was diverted away into emergency
funding for disaster relief and military intervention in Bosnia
and Iraq. Neither is it at all certain that the low-income housing
market will absorb such a large number of new people, particularly
given Chicago's longstanding history of racist housing discrimination.
CPPH instead advocates greater funding for capital improvements
on existing public housing projects, and greater resident control
in the process of urban planning which has long been underway
around most of the CHA sites. The problem, again, is that Congress
has cut the budget item for capital improvements as well, in the
belief that public housing has proven to be nothing more than
an expensive and dangerous failure and that the time has come
for far reaching market-driven experiments.
One such experiment is the little-known Omnibus Consolidated
Rescissions and Appropriations Act (OCRA) of 1996. The provisions
of OCRA demand that most of Chicago's public housing units be
cost-tested before any capital improvements are made: would it
be cheaper to fix up existing homes or tear them down and provide
residents with vouchers? Even assuming that improvements win the
cost-test, OCRA demands that the units be vouchered out anyway
if there isn't enough money in the capital-improvement budget.
In other words, the slant of current Federal policy is clearly
set against improving existing public housing. In trying to reverse
the course of national housing policy, CPPH and their allies in
cities across the country face a long and hard political battle.
June 19 is also the date of Juneteenth, an African-American
national holiday commemorating the day when slaves in Texas learned
of their emancipation, almost a year after slaves throughout the
south had already been freed. CPPH organizers pointed out some
of the eerie parallels, including the subtle yet obvious racism
of policies that don't actually seem as if they are meant to work,
even if it's not exactly clear what they are meant to do and why.
What is clear, with public housing as with welfare reform, is
that class politics in the United States has taken a reckless
turn against poor people more radical now than at any time since
the 1930's - a tide that has less to do with the particulars of
competing policies than with broader realities of power.
By Charity Crouse
As the demand for investors in market-rate housing has increased
within areas formerly preoccupied with accommodating the needs
of lower-income residents, communities that have been left behind
in the past are finding themselves at the forefront of the marketplace.
The financiers for below-market-rate developments are increasingly
recruited from the private sector and the resulting developments
reflect the priorities of these profit-motivated corporations.
Now, real estate all over Chicago is a hot commodity, with developers
eyeing large parcels of vacant land for multi-unit complexes,
including land once covered by high-rise public housing developments.
In response to the economic opportunities that are being dangled
in front of them, community organizations and political representatives
are jumping at the chance to capitalize on this newfound attention
and federal dollars are following suit.
Currently, the largest federally funded housing assistance
program within Chicago is the Low Income Housing Tax Credit. Enacted
as part of the Tax Reform Act of 1986, the tax credit offers corporate
and individual investors a credit against their federal income
taxes based on the cost of acquiring, rehabilitating or constructing
moderate and low-income housing. The original legislation expired
in 1989 but in August of 1993 Congress passed a permanent tax
credit and President Clinton signed it into law later that month.
The tax credits are available to developers who devote 20%
of their units to tenants earning less than half the areas median
income or 40% of their units to tenants making less than 60% of
the median income, with the remaining units being sold for the
going market rate. In return, the credit allows corporations or
individuals to deduct from their federal taxes up to 90% of the
cost of a developments construction or renovation for 10 years
The tax credit is meant to lure developers into investing in
blighted urban areas, but by using the tax credit private developers
are able to capitalize on the burgeoning housing market opening
up in these formerly economically disadvantaged neighborhoods.
Many of the sites where dense public housing structures formerly
dominated are located in areas that have taken advantage of the
City's many economic rejuvenation programs, such as acquiring
a designation as a revitalizing area.
The designation was originally designed to allow construction
of public housing units in areas where high concentrations of
public housing were previously found. The Gautreaux decision of
1981 limited the construction of new public housing units to more
economically prosperous areas, or areas that were designated as
showing the potential for economic revitalization due to increased
business and housing development. Many of these areas overlap
with redevelopment zones, an area that, among other things, requires
new housing developments make a certain percentage of units affordable
to lower and more moderate income residents. For private developers,
the tax credit provides a nice vehicle for them to ride into a
neighborhood like this and exploit marketable land.
The Kenwood-Oakland neighborhood on Chicago's South Side typifies
the woes that public housing recipients and applicants have to
look forward to. In 1986, CHA approved demolition of 791 high-rise
units located in five buildings along the lakefront area. The
buildings were shut-down and the residents were left to fend for
themselves until replacement housing was secured.
Several proposals about how to reconcile the complaints of
the displaced residents were circulated, but it wasn't until 1995
that any of the proposals were seriously pursued. The Department
of Housing and Urban Development in conjunction with the CHA announced
a proposal to develop 241 scattered site units, with 150 public
housing units on two sites owned by CHA and 91 units on 13 separate
parcels of land owned by the City of Chicago. Representatives
from over 200 families, who had been battling CHA since 1986 when
the agency signed a memorandum of accord that promised to return
their families to the lakefront following the demolition of their
former homes, were earmarked for placement into the units after
But for the more affluent residents of Kenwood and the Alderman,
Toni Preckwinkle, moving all those poor people back into the neighborhood
and wasting marketable land for more public housing was unacceptable.
Public outcry from the community, claiming that the developments
were remaking the ghetto, thwarted the developments by forcing
CHA and HUD to look for private land parcels on which to develop
For now, the shuttered skeletons of the former high-rise apartments
still stand. As for the 10 other parcels of land intended to go
toward scattered site development, seven of them have been sold
to private investors, three of which have taken advantage of the
tax credit program.
As a result, no new public housing units have been developed
in the Kenwood and Oakland areas since 1986. In 1984, 1,782 Section
8 units could be found within the area; as of 1994 there were
1,603. The Section 8 vouchers provide many obstacles to public
housing tenants attempting to relocate. Pre-existing housing available
to low-income people in economically diverse areas is becoming
increasingly more difficult to locate as the value of Chicago's
real estate becomes more and more inflated. Newer housing units
intended to accommodate lower-income individuals, especially public
housing recipients with vouchers, just aren't being built. As
Ken Oliver from the Chicago Rehab Network put it, Developers look
to what the bank will lend you and banks look at the rate housing
in a particular neighborhood is selling for in the market place;
they wont lend you money for a development based on a maybe, which
is what a Section 8 certificate represents to them.
Conversely, the tax credit program claims responsibility for
the establishment of 1,602 units of housing since 1986, none of
which are currently occupied by the former public-housing residents.
Subsequently, prices for single-family townhomes have increased
by 62% in the last five years, from $67,500 in 1993 to $110,000
in 1997. The number of free-standing homes available at the market
rate (approximately $290,000) has increased by 134% in the last
By Bob Roman and Ron Baiman
Thursday, July 30th will be the day for a major demonstration
and day long vigil in favor of universal health care. While there
is a developing consensus that HMOs need to be restricted in their
ability to ration or deny service, the most outrageous aspect
of our health care system is the 43 million people simply not
covered by it. The demonstration is intended to be a start toward
putting universal coverage back on the country's political agenda.
The project is being spearheaded by the Physicians for a National
Health Program, Campaign for Better Health Care and Access Living,
but there is a rapidly growing list of cosponsors, including Chicago
DSA. If you'd like to help, please call the Chicago DSA office
at (773) 384-0327.
The July - August, 1997, issue of New
Ground (#53) we reported on the Labor Outreach program
co-sponsored by the Chicago Interfaith Committee on Workers Issues
and the Chicago Federation of Labor. The program brings labor
speakers to religious congregations over the Labor Day weekend
to address the issues of workplace, social justice and faith.
In 1997, the program was in its second year, and the Chicago
Federation was sufficiently impressed by the project to cancel
its own Labor Day festivities in favor of devoting those resources
to organizing the outreach. Some 100 congregations participated
with 150 services. This year, the organizers are hoping to do
If you think your congregation might be interested in participating,
you can get more information from Kristi Sanford at the Chicago
Interfaith Committee on Worker Issues: (773) 381-2832.
May Day celebrations in Chicago have become irregular events
outside leninist sects, but this year there was an event worthy
of the date. The National Park Service recognized the Haymarket
Martyrs Monument as a National Historic Landmark, and the Illinois
Labor History Society used the dedication of the plaque on May
3rd as the occasion for one heck of a rally.
Some 1,000 attended the dedication ceremony in the Forest Home
Cemetery in Forest Park. It was a festive event, with speakers,
poetry, music and food. A few trotskyist sects had tables and
had cadres attempting to sell their quotas of papers. The Communist
Party used their section of the cemetery to set up their own table.
There was even a small, theatrical group of anarchists who
were disgruntled by the State's (the National Park Service's)
recognition of the monument and even more unhappy that they had
no access to the podium to express their displeasure. Their heckling
seriously irritated the organizers of the event, who would have
cheerfully used the coercive power of the bourgeois state to shut
them up, but it wasn't necessary as community pressure swiftly
The Illinois Labor History Society holds the deed to the Haymarket
monument, and its maintenance and preservation is one of the Society's
more important functions. Chicago DSA is a member of the Illinois
Labor History Society.
Fed up with Chicago City Council inaction on the Living Wage
the New Party is attempting to place a referendum on the Ballot
asking citizens directly whether they would support a living wage
ordinance the 29th and 35th Wards. The 29th Ward is represented
by Sam Burrel and the 35th Ward is represented by Vilma Colom.
Both of these aldermen were cosponsors of the Jobs and Living
Wage Ordinance but, when the time came, voted against it. In a
third ward, the 15th represented by Virgil Jones, the New Party
is attempting to place a Police Accountability question on the
The wards were selected as locations where there is a significant
New party presence. The 35th Ward is within the 3rd General Assembly
District where the New Party helped Willie Delgado win the Democratic
nomination. The 29th Ward is home of the 29th Ward Peoples Assembly
and Danny Davis' organization. U.S. Representative Danny Davis
is a New Party (and Progressive Caucus) member. The 15th Ward
includes important New Party activists.
New Party Members will be assembling for the petition drives
on Saturdays. Though only residents of the Wards can actually
solicit petitions, others may help with making contacts and offer
other logistical help. Please call John at the New Party at (312)
Detroit DSA has revived its annual dinner this year. Held on
Saturday, May 23rd, at UAW Local 160's hall, the Frederick Douglass
- Eugene V. Debs Dinner focused on labor journalism, honoring
Susan Watson and David Elsila. The featured speaker was Elaine
Debbie Meier and Bob Kuttner were among the honored guests
at Boston DSA's annual dinner this year.