by Mark Weinberg
Approximately 150 attended the debate at the Hot House on Monday
October 16, co-sponsored by CDSA with Open University of the Left
and In These Times
magazine. The debate was professionally moderated by WVON
talk-show host Clifford Kelley.
Speaking first, for Nader was DSA's own Quentin Young, M.D.,
of Physicians for a National Health
Program. Testifying to Nader's long history of integrity in
opposing corporate America's violations of consumer and worker
rights, he concentrated on Nader's support for national health
care and lamented that the Democratic
Leadership Council (DLC) dictated Democratic platform did
not include this for the first time in many years. Denise Miles
of the Black Radical
Congress questioned the working class credentials of those
who won't support Gore, the choice of organized labor and people
Sam Smucker of the United
Electrical Workers contrasted Gore's support of NAFTA and
"free" trade with China without guarantees of worker's
rights with Nader's call for repealing the Taft-Hartley Act which
limits labor's ability to organize; he lamented that the UE was
one of the few unions to support Nader. Bruce Bostick of District
7, United Steel Workers spoke
passionately of a need to support Gore to avoid the dismantling
of labor rights, affirmative action and civil liberties that might
occur under a Bush presidency with Bush nominees on the Supreme
Chris Geovanis of Hammerhard MediaWorks summarized the case
against Gore: that he represents the least progressive elements
in the Democratic Party as does his DLC cohort and running mate
Lieberman. She mentioned Nader's much stronger stance on Palestinian
rights, among other things, and reminded the audience, as did
Smucker, that Gore voted to confirm Antonin Scalia for the Supreme
Court. James Weinstein, an historian of American socialism as
well as publisher emeritus of In These Times, spoke of
the futility of third party campaigns in the United States and
demeaned the Green Party base. He seemed to suggest that it was
egotistical of Nader to run a campaign that could result in an
ultra-right wing candidate winning the White House. Chris Geovanis
asked him why his pragmatic viewpoint didn't apply to Eugene Debs'
Socialist Party campaigns early in the century. He didn't answer,
but gave the audience a more promising alternative, to run a broad-based
progressive candidate in Democratic primaries.
Questions and comments from the audience followed, mostly from
Nader supporters. They began with a few words from a special guest,
Alexander Cockburn, in town for a promotional event for the book
he co-authored bashing Gore; he was pleased that Geovanis had
quoted the book and reminded the audience of Gore's deplorable
environmental record, at odds with the image he projects. Other
speakers defended the Green Party ecological agenda apart from
Although I suspect few minds were changed, the forum was generally
well balanced, with much fine oratory and more than a little hyperbole.
I suspect most Nader supporters on the left feel there is a significant
difference between Gore and Bush and most left Gore supporters
find him severely wanting as a candidate. As a Nader supporter
I wish he had a broader base in organized labor and with the communities
of color. On the day of the forum, Salim Muwakkil's Chicago
Tribune column spoke of Nader's strength on African-American
problems, such as economic injustice, reparations, labor rights
and the health related problems of inner city pollution. It would
have helped if we had more of this earlier in the campaign.
by Elizabeth Brandt and Tyler Grosshuesch
of Chicago chapter of the Young Democratic Socialists (YDS)
hosted this year's annual Fall Conference, October 12th-15th.
YDS Fall Conferences are internal, focused on choosing and preparing
this year's campaigns, decision making, and networking between
chapters (read: drinking). We've expanded a good deal in the last
year, so it was good to meet new YDSers from Arizona State University,
Colorado University- Boulder, Wayne State University, Cornell,
Louisville (the Asner-Debs Chapter) and our visitor from Young
Socialist Movement of France.
We adopted a Statement on Racial Justice, and decided to focus
our campaign work on anti-prison issues by forcing Sodexho-Marriot
off our campuses. Sodhexo-Marriot is the world's largest investor
in private prisons. It also provides really bad campus food service.
The privatization of the prison system has led to the degeneration
of inmate health care, and decreases in staffing levels piles
oppressive workloads on guards and endangers inmate safety. The
criminal justice system has a history of racial discrimination
and criminalizing non-violent offenders who are of very little
danger to society. In additions to this, the private prison lobby
encourages stricter sentencing laws and other criminalization
measures because full prison beds translate into increased profit.
Educational workshops were an important part of the weekend.
On the opening night, there was a panel discussion on the Prison-Industrial
Complex with Rishi Nath of Raptivism
Records, Nicolas Le Roux of the French Young Socialist Movement,
Kevin Pranis of the Prison
Moratorium Project and Geoffery Banks, of First Defense Legal
and a youth activist.
On Friday we had workshops on chapter organizing, international
labor support, literature and flyer design, the abc's of socialism,
and the global economy. Working groups discussed the proposed
statement on racial justice, our activist agenda, the political
program and the constitution. Later Quentin Young of Physicians
for a National Health Plan spoke about socialist health care
reform. When the day was done we hauled out the "Wheel of
Socialism" (great for drinking games) and partied at a comrade's
Saturday we met in regional groups to coordinate our anti-Sodexho
campaigns. That day's educational plenaries included Sue Klonsky
speaking on racism and the student movement and Kevin Pranis leading
an organizing workshop on prison issues. Conferees attended an
AFL-CIO sponsored rally demanding amnesty for undocumented immigrants.
Next came a marathon decision making plenary. We stayed up late
fine tuning our constitution, activist agenda, political program,
and statement on racial justice.
Early the next morning the plenary continued with officer elections.
Business was finished up, and Erin Kaiser of the New
Democratic Youth of British Columbia led an educational workshop
on defending women's reproductive rights. She pointed out that
choice politics is about much more than abortion rights; real
choice means having access to resources that make the choice of
parenthood manageable regardless of one's economic status.
Officer elections saw many new members stepping up into leadership
roles and the "retirement" of some older YDS activists.
"It was an important and pretty inspirational turning point
for the organization," said Peter Frase, our new male co-chair.
"A new generation of activists is staring to take the lead
in YDS." Joan Axthelm of the new Chicago Metro chapter is
our new female co-chair.
Our next conference will be in conjunction with the DSA conference
in Washington, D.C. this winter. This conference will be focused
on outreach and building connections between YDS and DSA members.
We hope to see you all there!
by Robert Roman
It almost doesn't matter who won the Presidential election.
I'm not saying it makes no difference. It makes a difference in
more or less obvious ways, such as in the appointment of judges,
appointments to the NLRB. It makes a difference in less obvious
ways, as in the administration of countless obscure programs that
have a subtle yet intimate consequence in people's lives. And
while legislation in Congress is bounded by the need for consensus
and thus largely limited to that range of possibilities, the President
does have an important role in shaping that consensus. It does
make a difference.
But an election is only the beginning of politics and any outcome
presents its own set of opportunities and hazards. The general
consensus of the moment among pundits is that the next President
will be damaged goods; that Congress, evenly split to begin with,
will be poisoned by "we was robbed": a polarized, contentious
situation. While this has probably been overstated (remember the
reaction to closing down the government during earlier games of
"budget chicken"; beware the cry for "bipartisanship"),
it will limit the possibilities for change from either side.
A polarized polity and divided ruling class should be a good
situation for insurgents, but this election also revealed the
weakness of the left. There was no "left" candidate
in the Democratic primaries (remember Wellstone for President?).
The issues were no better; the most progressive proposal for national
health, for example, was actually Bradley's inferior retread of
Senator Dole's counter proposal to Clinton's national health plan.
That Gore was just barely able to win a plurality of the electoral
vote should come as no surprise. In this entrepreneurial candidate
driven electoral system, a system that treats issues and candidates
as if they were commodities, it is only that Bush is of the same
ilk that made Gore's campaign viable. François Mitterand
said it best: "You cannot make politics that alienate
your own clientele. It is fatal."
And what can be said of the Nader campaign? Nader failed to
reach his goal of 5% nationally thus failing to qualify for matching
Federal funds in the next Presidential election. Only 19 Green
candidates won their elections, exclusively on the municipal and
county level; with a few notable exceptions, local Green candidates
generally ran substantially behind Nader. (Some 74 Greens hold
public office, exclusively at the county and municipal levels.)
The Nader campaign had virtually no labor support (the major exception
being the United Electrical
Workers) and no grassroots support among the minority communities:
this despite the fact that Nader had almost ideal positions on
labor and trade. Which is precisely the point. Positions don't
count without also having the ability to do more than just talk
about them. Until the Greens have something beyond nice words,
something concrete to offer Labor and minorities, they should
not be surprised to find themselves regarded as "spoilers"
rather than as saviors.
Yet the Nader campaign was not regarded by most of its activists
as being about today; the point was to build a new party. But
party building is problematic both specifically for the Greens
and in general. Specifically for the Greens, there are Greens
and there are Greens. There is the Green
Party USA. There is the Association
of State Green Parties. There is Nader's
campaign organization which both straddles and exceeds those
two organizations. Given the historical animosity between the
two, the Greens are almost lucky they did not achieve 5% of the
vote. Consider the fate of the Reform Party.
The general problem with building parties in the United States
is beyond the scope of this article, especially as much of it
involves the minutia of election laws. Suffice it to say that
with the fiasco in Florida and the Electoral College, election
law reform will be higher on the political agenda. The left should
take advantage of this. And while the history of national third
parties has been pretty dismal, there is a history of success
for municipal, county and state third parties (in descending order).
This implies an organizing strategy of building from the ground
up may be successful. Nader's campaign may have been organizationally
Certainly Labor would argue that Nader's campaign was politically
premature. Even though organized labor tends to have an arrogance
of resources (It claims almost a third of Gore's vote; the total
spent by Labor on the election and election related activities
is greater by an order of magnitude than the total budget of the
Greens. Not to mention the number of people mobilized by organized
labor!), it's become clear just how vulnerable the movement is.
If the movement is to survive, at least, and rebuild, the desire
to have a government that is not actively hostile to labor's very
existence is surely understandable. Organized labor is in essentially
a defensive political posture.
The more serious problem is keeping the "Teamsters and
Turtles" together. Some of the pre-election nastiness is
at least understandable, but the polemics on both sides have not
ceased. Talk is talk. We will not, we should not, have a left
that does not quarrel among its various parts. But these are times
of peril and opportunity. To take advantage of these opportunities
and to effectively defend what we have, we need to work together.
by Alex Mikulich
One of DSA's best kept secrets might be the Religion
and Socialism Commission, DSA's largest and possibly most
active Commission. Celebrating a time of transition and breaking
new ground for the 21st century, the Executive Committee of the
Religion and Socialism Commission recently held its annual meeting
in New York City.
The transition is marked, most significantly, by the resignation
of John Cort as co-editor of our newsletter, Religious Socialism.
We only began to celebrate the great contributions of John Cort
over the past sixty-five years. One of the first participants
and activists in Dorothy Day's Catholic
Worker movement, John Cort challenged Catholic Workers to
reduce the numbers of people in the bread lines by contributing
to the development of trade unionism. In his recent biography
of Michael Harrington, Maurice Isserman pays tribute to Cort's
devotion to trade unionism and his challenge to all Catholic Workers.
John affectionately refers to himself as the "early Michael
Harrington" at the Catholic Worker.
But that is not all. I first met John Cort as a divinity student
when John presented his newly published Christian Socialism:
An Informal History (Orbis Books) in 1988. Christian Socialism
demands reading for the way it draws upon ancient traditions of
faith and social justice, rooted in scriptures, Catholic theology,
and Catholic social thought, and for the way it details Catholic
socialist movements in France and Germany. I was immediately impressed
by John's energy, sharp mind and wit, and deep commitment to faith
and socialism. The Religion and Socialism Commission will do well
to continue to draw upon the wisdom of the founding editor of
our newsletter, Religious Socialism, and celebrate his
contributions as we enter the 21st century. I am deeply honored
and humbled that John nominated me to take his place as co-editor
of our newsletter. I am thankful for the warm welcome of my colleagues
and look forward to continuing the work of producing a provocative
and informative newsletter.
Religion and Socialism Commission members are not only members
of the largest group within DSA but also the International
League of Religious Socialists (ILRS). One hundred thousand
strong, the ILRS is one of the largest and most active groups
within the Socialist
International (SI). Andrew Hammer, member of our US Religion
and Socialism executive committee and a co-editor of Religious
Socialism, reported on the recent meeting of the ILRS in Hungary
where he was elected as its new Secretary-General. Over the past
year, Hammer has been helping the ILRS plan a campaign "Against
Religious and Political Extremism" aimed at confronting the
right in both religious and political life. This campaign includes
planning a major conference in Jerusalem that will bring together
Jews, Christians, and Muslims to explore common political ground
in each of our faiths. Hammer is also attending the next SI meeting
in Mozambique where discussions will focus on campaigns to address
African poverty and world debt. Look for Hammer's report on Africa
in an upcoming issue of Democratic Left.
The Religion and Socialism Commission in the USA is planning
a panel for the Socialist Scholars Conference that explores the
relationships between religion and public space. How might we
think creatively about the ways we relate our faiths to the multiple
public spaces we inhabit without falling into religious or secular
We hope to address this topic not only at the Socialist Scholars
Conference but in the pages of our newsletter. In a continuing
effort to produce a provocative and informative newsletter, we
agreed to broaden our religious, intellectual, and geographical
perspectives. Developing an editorial collective in Chicago can
help broaden Religious Socialism. If you are interested
in contributing to an editorial collective for our national newsletter
or would like to help build a Chicago Religion and Socialism Commission,
contact me at (773) 973-3516 or firstname.lastname@example.org.
compiled by Bob Roman
In the previous issue of New Ground, "Other
News" noted Chicago DSA's endorsement of the 7th annual
protest of Chicago's Air and Water Show. Brother Paul Bossie called
to point out that these protests are not organized by the Eighth
Day Center but rather by the "What will we give/leave the
children of the world coalition". If you'd like more information
about the coalition, you can call Brother Bossie at 773.275.9516
or email him at email@example.com.
Some 300 people took part in the various parts of the Chicago
demonstrations in solidarity with the protests in Prague, Czech
Republic, around the World Bank International Monetary Fund's
semi-annual meeting on Tuesday, September 26. The event consisted
of a march that rambled through the Loop financial district with
mini-rallies at various deserving targets along the way. The demonstration
was organized by the Chicago May Day Coalition and endorsed by
Chicago DSA has cosponsored a number of educational forums
that examine extra-parliamentary direct action and their possible
application here in the States.
On Friday, October 27, Chicago DSA was among the cosponsors
of a meeting organized by Jubilee Chicago and the American Friends
Service Committee which brought to town Oscar Olivera, a
union officer and a central leader of La Coordinadora de Defensa
de Agua y de la Vida (Coalition for the Defense of Water and Life).
The meeting also served as the Chicago premier of the film "This
Is Our Water, Damn It!" by 1world
Communications. The movie tells the story of successful Bolivian
resistance to Bechtel Corporation and a World Bank plan to privatize
the water system. Oscar Olivera is a short man of immense dignity.
He was able to elucidate a number of aspects of the struggle that
were not entirely clear in the documentary. Mr. Olivera is also
a wisely cagey spokesman. The Coalition is a militantly non-partisan
movement. When a member of the audience asked a leading question
intended to elicit some indication of ideology or affiliation,
he answered with diplomatic vagueness, only indicating, obliquely,
an appreciation of Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez.
On Saturday, November 11, Chicago DSA was among the cosponsors
of a meeting organized by the Chicago May Day Coalition featuring
Canadian John Clarke. The meeting was held at the Hot House in
Chicago's South Loop neighborhood. It was attended by maybe 40
people. John Clarke is the leader of the Ontario
Coalition Against Poverty (OCAP). OCAP is a direct action
group that resembles groups like National Peoples Action or the
National Welfare Rights Union or ACORN
here in the States. In addition to doing collective direct action
in support of broad issues of public policy, OCAP also does direct
action case work, successfully using sit-ins, demonstrations and
other direct action techniques to resolve individual instances
On Tuesday, November 14, (as New Ground goes to press)
Chicago DSA cosponsored a meeting organized by the Chicago
Socialist Party featuring two activists from El Salvador:
Elsa Miriam Linares de Quintanilla, a teacher, member of the National
Teachers Association of El Salvador and a leader in the anti-privatization
struggle, and Roger Blandino Nerio, an organizer for the FMLN
and lead organizer for the Salvadoran Vendors' Association.
The meeting was part of a national tour organized by the Committee in Solidarity with the
People of El Salvador.
An estimated 10,000 people filled Daley Plaza in Chicago's
Loop on Saturday, September 23 to demand amnesty for undocumented
immigrant workers and immigrants who have become entangled in
the draconian laws passed as part of the Republican "revolution".
The demonstration clearly illustrated the popular support for
the issue, though it's not likely that much of substance will
be accomplished legislatively until next year, if then.
Chicago DSA was among the many endorsers of the march, but
the organizing was done by the Grassroots Collaborative. Based
in the American Friends Service Committee offices, the Collaborative
also includes the Chicago Coalition for the Homeless, ACORN/SEIU
Local 880, AFSC - Midwest, Community Renewal Society, Illinois
Coalition for Immigrant and Refugee Rights, among others.
The Grass Roots Collaborative has two projects at present. One
is the amnesty campaign. The other is a campaign in support of
Kid Care, an Illinois program that offers health care coverage
to children and pregnant women and help in paying premiums of
employer-sponsored or private insurance plans. The Collaborative
seems to be an evolution and expansion of the collaboration developed
between some of the elements of the Living Wage campaign in Chicago.
There has been a Young Democratic Socialists chapter at the
University of Chicago since 1987, but the youth section has never
been able to escape the black hole of Hyde Park. Now a second
YDS chapter is being organized: Metropolitan Chicago. The new
chapter is just stretching its legs and considering becoming something
to trifle with. Composed of working youth and students from schools
without chapters in the Chicago metropolitan area, the chapter
is only few months old but looking promising. The participants
have been challenging each other with readings on democratic socialism,
racism, and radical feminism (and how those all relate) and are
planning a guerrilla caroling session to protest sweatshops in
front of Marshall Fields on Dec. 3rd, at 11:30am (meeting on the
northeast corner of State and Jackson). We hope to get others
involved in our educational anti-sweatshop action. If your kids
are rad (or if you're a rad kid), give Joan Axthelm a call: 773.871.3942,
or email firstname.lastname@example.org.
North Lake Front DSA got off to a good start with a meeting
at the No Exit Cafe in Rogers Park. The meeting featured Rogers
Park Community Action Network President David Smathers speaking
about the Spanish Mondragon Cooperatives. The house was about
half full, including a few folks who wandered in with no knowledge
of what was going on and found it interesting.
At press time, two more meetings are being scheduled: one in
late November and another in late December. If things continue
to go well, an organizing meeting is intended to take place in
January. For more information, call John Chavez-Pedersen at 773.206.7202.
We've started planning the next Debs - Thomas - Harrington
Dinner. At press time, there's not much to report, but if you'd
like to be involved, whether it's for a specific task that you'd
like to do or as part of the ongoing planning, please contact
us: 773.384.0327 or email@example.com.
DSA's latest 501c3 vehicle is "wheels up" and beginning
its flight. This summer, the Harrington - Hamer Institute did
a training for Detroit DSA that focused on organizing and fundraising.
The DSA forum in connection with the Los Angeles Democratic National
Convention also served as an initial public event for the Institute.
Now the Institute is organizing a fundraising benefit in New York
on December 5.
The Institute has two initial projects in mind. One is the
"Listening Project" which is to be an oral history compilation
of older DSA members' experiences. The interviews will be preserved
in both audio and video and manuscript formats, possibly resulting
in a documentary that could be carried on cable or presented in
The other is a "Civil Rights Leadership Camp" which
is intended to be a multi racial and cultural camp for young people
ages 15 - 18. The camp could be based at the Highlander Center,
one of the places where the Civil Rights Movement was nurtured
and spread. Participants will be instructed by the people who
actually participated in the movement.
Finally, the Institute intends to do four regional training
schools in 2001. The curriculum will include organizing, fundraising,
planning, community development and media strategies.
For more information, call the DSA National Office: 212.727.8610.
In addition to "kicking off" the Harrington - Hamer
Institute, the DSA forum
at the Los Angeles Democratic National Convention also served
to successfully revive the defunct Los Angeles DSA Local. Done
on the proverbial shoe string, more than 150 people paid at least
$15 each to attend. DSA National Director Horace Small was pleased
with the outcome:
"Compare that to the Nation, the Progressive Challenge
and Public Citizen, with far more resources than we, a full complement
of staff, and high priced PR firms, and they drew 400, 75 and
39, in that order. And their events were free."
"Compare that to the Nation, the Progressive Challenge
and Public Citizen, with far more resources than we, a full complement
of staff, and high priced PR firms, and they drew 400, 75 and
39, in that order. And their events were free."
Not to mention that participants were treated to a small political
event: Bradley, having formally folded his campaign, left Cornel
West feeling free to declare his support for Ralph Nader.
DSA's biennial National Conference (held alternately with the
biennial National Convention) will be held a bit late: January
28th in Washington, DC. The Young Democratic Socialists will also
be holding its annual Winter Conference in conjunction with it.
The focus of the conference will be the need to act locally on
the globalization issue, developing organizing campaigns, tactics,
and activities that mobilize and educate people on the issue.
A strong emphasis will be placed on training in empowerment skills.
This conference will be as much for non-members as it will be
DSA has come up with two interesting tools for local organizing:
two model ordinances around which campaigns can be organized.
One is a bill that requires city employee pension funds not be
used to purchase stock in companies or organization that perpetuate
the globalization problem, exploit women and children or fail
to pay a living wage: companies like Nike or the Gap, for example.
The other is legislation requiring cities not to purchase uniforms
that use sweat shop labor or who don't pay their employees a living
wage. Copies of these model ordinances are available from the
DSA National Office: 212.727.8610.
Alas, Solveig Wilder has left DSA's employ to pursue a PhD
degree. Ms. Wilder took over the almost thankless task of Membership
Services, a disaster area, and brought order to it. It may be
that some previous staff have done this job as well as she has,
but it hasn't been recently. She also took over editing Democratic
Left and was largely responsible for the two "Millennium"
issues. Unless we can use her work as a new minimum standard,
we are less for her absence.
The Campaign to Build Illinois Transit announced that over
160 legislative officials, local municipalities, community organizations
and transit providers are now members of the coalition. September
14th was Transit Voter Day, and some 20 organizations registered
over 3300 people at CTA Rapid Transit, METRA, and bus stops in
Chicago, Cook County, Waukegan and Rock Island. The organizers
were sufficiently pleased that they did it again on October 10,
the last day of registration in Illinois.
Transit Voter Day was in fact part of a national campaign for
public transit. A good source for information about this campaign
can be found on the web: http://www.transitvote.org.
The Campaign for Better
Health Care is holding its annual meeting on Friday, December
8th, at the Congress Plaza Hotel, 520 S. Michigan, Chicago. Entitled
"Collaborating for Universal Health Care", more information
may be had by calling the Campaign's Chicago office: 312.913.9449
or email firstname.lastname@example.org.
The Committees of Correspondence
(CoC) has been working on reactivating its Illinois chapter. The
CoC's Labor Taskforce met in Chicago in September. A Midwest regional
meeting was held in Chicago on November 19. And CoC's National
Coordinating Committee will be meeting in Chicago on December
8, 9 and 10. In connection with that meeting, Illinois Committee
of Correspondence will be holding a public forum featuring Angela
Davis. Entitled "The Struggle Against the Death Penalty",
the forum will be held on December 9 at the UIC Chicago Circle
Center, 750 S. Halsted, Room 605, Chicago. For more information,
call Carl Davidson at 773.384.8827.
Out of the ferment of the Civil Rights and anti-Vietnam War
movement came a feminist movement. Like much of radical history,
Chicago was one of the centers. From 1969 to 1977, the Chicago
Women's Liberation Union was a vital center of politics, education,
culture and services. Much of what we regard as a "normal"
part of mainstream America got its start in the Feminist movement
of the 1970s. While the achievements of the movement remain, albeit
embattled, the memory of the Chicago Women's Liberation Movement
has become obscure.
The CWLU Herstory Website comes to the rescue. One of the absolutely
wonderful things about the world wide web is the ability to construct
a museum without having to invest in expensive bricks and mortar.
The site is located at http://www.cwluherstory.com.
A large base of information is located there and they're not done
But it's clear that this is intended as more than just a memorial
or an old grrrls network. The site hopes to be a resource for
a contemporary feminist movement, not just as a gift from the
past but a venue where new lessons and perspectives might be developed.
Check it out.
I'd like to commend Will Kelley for his excellent review of
Jack Metzgar's Striking Steel: Solidarity Remembered (New Ground #72, Sept./ Oct.
2000). I found the review to be a fine example of thoughtful,
engaging, and constructive praise and critique. I would, however,
like to add an important point: Jack Metzgar, who teaches labor
history at Roosevelt University, is a dues paying member of Chicago
DSA and "regular" Debs/Thomas/Harrington dinner attendee.
This may be important to readers who may wish to discuss his book
with him in person next spring!
Greater Oak Park DSA